Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Friday, April 30, 2010

"Abortion neutral"? Someone tell Planned Parenthood . . .

Following up on Robby's post, from a few days ago, on the debate over the "abortion neutrality" of the new health-care law . . . this story, out of Michigan, caught my eye: 

[T]he new national health care law, combined with a bottomed-out Michigan economy, is changing the landscape for Planned Parenthood of Mid and South Michigan, which serves 55,000 women every year.

An early sign of health care reform's impact is Planned Parenthood's decision to open a new Oakland County clinic within the next 18 months, adding to 15 locations, including Detroit, Warren and Livonia. Unlike other Detroit area centers, the new location is likely to include abortion services.

Richards and Lori Lamerand, executive director of Planned Parenthood of Mid and South Michigan, are ramping up for a boom in birth control and other reproductive services -- what Lamerand calls "an onslaught" of women poised to gain new access to reproductive health care. Recession has heightened demand for contraception and for abortion, especially from clients who wouldn't have gone to Planned Parenthood in better times.

Thursday, April 29, 2010

Health Care Reform: The Perspective of Physicians

Earlier this month, I completed a five-part series about the recently-enacted health care legislation, concluding that it was unlikely to succeed and that the cause of greater access to health care might be set-back rather than advanced by this irresponsible legislation.  I argued that we must maintain our attention on the matter of health care and diligently continue the search for genuine reform, because the Democrat-party-line enactment was not prudent, was not economically viable, and was not politically sustainable.  (The full series can be found here.)

A commentary today by Daniel Palestrant in Forbes reports on a recent survey of physicians which found that 79 percent were more pessimistic about the future of health care after enactment of the Democratic health care legislation.  Moreover, two-thirds of physicians were considering opting-out of government-funded health care programs, which of course would make the approach pushed through by the Democrats a non-starter:

The same reform bill that will provide "care for all" may drive away more physician caregivers than attract previously uninsured patients. What a predicament that would be.

Many may find the data from the poll puzzling. How could physicians be so pessimistic about a bill that clearly has so many positives? For one, the bill addresses none of the issues most consistently ranked by physicians as the most critical for lowering costs and improving access. Tort reform, streamlining billing and payment, and fixing the flawed government formula for calculating physician reimbursement are given little, if any, serious attention.

* * *

Health care without active physician participation is no health care at all.

Greg Sisk

More on the new Arizona law

Several of us have weighed in, with reactions to the new illegal-immigration-related law enacted in Arizona.  (Disclosure:  my family moved to Arizona 25 years ago, and I love the place.)  My initial reaction was -- and I think my view still is -- that the law is misguided.  That said, I have an uneasy sense that many of the law's critics are engaging in hyperbole (this is not surprising, of course -- it's an election year) and failing to take seriously enough the concerns that, in my view, the law (for the most part) reflects.  (I say "for the most part" because, as Eduardo hints, it is probably the case that some of the law's supporters are in the grips of an unattractive nativism.  But, in my view, the vast majority are not.)

In today's New York Timesthere is an op-ed by Prof. Kris Kobach (a law-school classmate of mine), who was one of the drafters of the new law. He responds to the leading criticisms of the law, and concludes that:

[The law] takes a measured, reasonable step to give Arizona police officers another tool when they come into contact with illegal aliens during their normal law enforcement duties.

Again, I think there are good reasons to worry about this law.  But, Rob's earlier expressed concerns about Cardinal Mahoney's reaction to it ring more and more true for me.

Ominous judicial reasoning in the U.K.

Conscience battles show no signs of diminishing, particularly in the U.K.  From today's London Times:

Christianity deserves no protection in law above other faiths and to do so would be “irrational” , “divisive, capricious and arbitrary”, a senior judge said today, as he rejected a marriage guidance counsellor’s attempt to challenge his sacking for refusing to give sex therapy to gay couples.

The father of two, who had worked for the national counselling service since 2003, had alleged unfair dismissal on the grounds of religious discrimination.  But rejecting Mr McFarlane’s application to appeal, Lord Justice Laws said that legislation for the protection of views held purely on religious grounds could not be justified.

I cannot tell from the article why, if the worker's liberty of conscience were to be protected, it would amount to favoring Christianity above other faiths.  Suffice to say that the judge is not a fan of conscience rights.   Linking the worker's claim to theocracy, the judge explained: “The law of a theocracy is dictated without option to the people, not made by their judges and governments.  The individual conscience is free to accept such dictated law, but the State, if its people are to be free, has the burdensome duty of thinking for itself.”

The danger (to chaplains) of "normalizing homosexuality" in the military

A group of retired military chaplains has written a letter to President Obama objecting to the repeal of the "Don't Ask Don't Tell" policy. (HT: Friedman)  I support the repeal, but I can see how reasonable people can disagree about this issue on the merits.  I have a harder time seeing the persuasive power of the chaplains' argument, which is that the repeal will effectively force chaplains to alter their ministries.  It seems a bit of a stretch to argue that we should keep kicking out openly gay members of the military in order to avoid making chaplains feel bad about preaching that homosexuality is immoral.  If there is a legitimate concern that chaplains will be disciplined or suffer other negative employment consequences for preaching about homosexuality, or for refusing to minister to same-sex couples, then let's argue about the need for a conscience clause.  Rarely does the "let's continue mandating government discrimination in order to avoid making my ministry more awkward and difficult" argument prove effective.  Am I being too harsh in my evaluation?

UPDATE: As a friend points out, not a single Roman Catholic chaplain signed the letter.  Significant?

More on the new Arizona law

Several of us have weighed in, with reactions to the new illegal-immigration-related law enacted in Arizona.  (Disclosure:  my family moved to Arizona 25 years ago, and I love the place.)  My initial reaction was -- and I think my view still is -- that the law is misguided.  That said, I have an uneasy sense that many of the law's critics are engaging in hyperbole (this is not surprising, of course -- it's an election year) and failing to take seriously enough the concerns that, in my view, the law (for the most part) reflects.  (I say "for the most part" because, as Eduardo hints, it is probably the case that some of the law's supporters are in the grips of an unattractive nativism.  But, in my view, the vast majority are not.)

In today's New York Timesthere is an op-ed by Prof. Kris Kobach (a law-school classmate of mine), who was one of the drafters of the new law. He responds to the leading criticisms of the law, and concludes that:

[The law] takes a measured, reasonable step to give Arizona police officers another tool when they come into contact with illegal aliens during their normal law enforcement duties.

Again, I think there are good reasons to worry about this law.  But, Rob's earlier expressed concerns about Cardinal Mahoney's reaction to it ring more and more true for me.

Wednesday, April 28, 2010

Violent Video Games

The Supreme Court has agreed to hear a case involving a California law, passed in 2005, prohibiting the sale or rental of violent games to anyone younger than 18. It defined such a game as one that includes "killing, maiming, dismembering or sexually assaulting an image of a human being" in a way that a reasonable person would find appeals to a "deviant or morbid interest," is patently offensive, and lacks "serious literary, artistic, political, or scientific value for minors."

The Court recently struck down a law involving depictions of animal cruelty on the ground that it was overbroad. It intimated that a narrower law would be constitutional, but it suggested that the test for determining whether speech was unprotected was historical in character. That is, if it was not unprotected before, it will not be unprotected now.

I doubt that this historical approach will stand up. I suspect that a number of justices signed Chief Justice Roberts opinion for its results rather than for its selective exercise in history-worship. Perhaps we will find out next term. The violent video game case permits the Court to hold that our first amendment is hermetically sealed off from conceptions of public morality other than sexual morality. It would be fitting for this Court to so hold, fitting -- but perverse.

cross-posted at religiousleftlaw.com

Does the health care legislation expand the abortion license? Commonweal vs. Public Discourse

The editors of Commonweal say that the newly enacted health care legislation is "abortion neutral" and maintains the status quo ante on abortion.  They accuse pro-life critics of the legislation of "crying wolf" about the legislation's expansion of the abortion license:  See here  http://commonwealmagazine.org/crying-wolf.  Today the editors of Public Discourse (on whose board I serve) criticize their colleagues at Commonweal, arguing that, in truth, (1) the executive order obtained by Bart Stupak in return for his support of the legislation will not prevent abortion subsidization under the legislation; (2) Community Health Centers will be permitted to use federal funds for abortions; and (3) the Hyde Amendment was not extended by the legislation to new funding streams created by the legislation, and as a result pro-life citizens will be compelled to subsidize abortions under their state's insurance exchanges.  See here: http://www.thepublicdiscourse.com/2010/04/1280 

To Commonweal's claim that pro-life groups and the U.S. Bishops (who favored health reform but opposed the legislation that was finally enacted because of its abortion expansion) are "crying wolf," Public Discourse says: "If implicating us in abortion by government-mandated payments is indeed 'the wolf,' then it is time to note that the wolf is no longer merely at the door—he is in the house."

Tuesday, April 27, 2010

"Morality, Rationality, and Natural Law"

Public Discourse today published a short essay of mine entitled "Morality, Rationality, and Natural Law."  It is a slightly expanded version of a contribution I made to a Templeton Foundation symposium on the question: "Does Morality Depend on Reasoning?"  The editors of Public Discourse added a headnote that simply says:  "We should prefer natural law thinking to utilitarianism---here's why."  That's not a bad summary of what I seek to show.  Here's my opening paragraph:

If moral norms, including those prohibiting such evils as murder, rape, torture, enslavement, and genocide, are what they purport to be—namely, principles for guiding human choices and actions—then there must be a point to abiding by them; they must have some rational basis. Do they? What could provide such a point and basis?

Here's a link to the essay:  http://www.thepublicdiscourse.com/2010/04/1273

David Forte on Hadley Arkes

A Ministry to Those Who Reason

 

by David Forte of Cleveland State University School of Law

 

Reason and truth brought Hadley Arkes to the Church.  And the Church has brought him to Christ.  On Saturday last, April 24, Hadley received the Sacraments of Initiation.   In the presence of other great persons who have made the journey, Hadley Arkes completed one pilgrimage, and began another.  On that day, I believe, the angels sang, and St. Thomas laughed with joy.

 

Hadley Arkes has embraced the institution that has married faith and reason more intimately than any in human history.  The moment of his entrance into the Church brings into epiphany what Professor Arkes has been spending all of his life doing: ministering to those who reason.  He has never entered a debate to debate, much less to “win.”  Rather, he prepares for contests by seeking to understand, and he enters the lists seeking to persuade. 

 

At the celebratory reception following the baptism, Hadley generously asked me, among other friends, to say a few words, and I noted that the Lord too ministered to those who reason.  Many see Christ’s debates with the Pharisees as moments of rhetorical triumph for him.  But I aver that Christ sought instead to persuade and convert.

 

Take the story, for example, of the woman taken in adultery as related in John’s gospel (8:2-11).  Whatever the debate over the provenance of the story, or of the biblical typology of “writing in the dust,” the existential moment was fraught with drama.  In what was clearly a preplanned maneuver, the scribes and the Pharisees interrupt Jesus’ teaching to the crowds by thrusting the accused woman before him and demanding whether he would affirm Moses’ teaching on stoning for adultery, even though all knew that no one could be put to death without Roman approval.  Christ was being asked to choose between Moses and Caesar.

 

But what the Pharisees conceived to be a debate became for Christ an opportunity for conversion.

 

Before reason can find its voice, the passions must be calmed.  Christ stoops down and writes something mysterious on the ground.  The gesture distracts and diffuses the emotions of the moment.  The question to him is repeated.  He then rises and chooses not between Moses and Caesar, but by reason looks to save the life of the woman and the souls of her accusers.  In a statement as universalizable as any moral philosopher could utter, He states, “Let him who is without sin among you be the first to throw a stone at her.” 

 

After the truth is spoken, it needs be considered and reflected upon.  Jesus stoops down again and continues writing,  Then the key moment arrives—the moment of choice, the moment of metanoia.  It is one thing for the mind to assent to a proposition.  It is another for the will to act upon it.  As John Paul II was reported to have told penitents as they were about to leave the confessional, “Now, go choose!”  Or as Abraham Lincoln understood, “As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master.”  There is a difference between the mind saying that a particular woman is the one I should spend my life with and plighting one’s troth.

 

They—the scribes and the Pharisees—make their choice: “But when they heard it, they went away, one by one, beginning with the eldest.”  The one with the authority acts first.  He does not continue the argument.  He does not try to save face.  He chooses, humbly in fact, to affirm the dignity of the accused woman, for, under the Mosaic Law, without accusers, there is no crime.  He departs the scene, and the others follow, “one by one”—each individually changed—leaving the woman innocent under the law.  Christ has ministered to those who reason.

 

How unnumbered are Hadley Arkes’s students, and his other auditors and readers, who have assented to the reasoned truth he proffers and have likewise acted to affirm the dignity of human life.  How rich has been his ministry to those who reason.

 

For all of his adult life, Hadley Arkes has followed in the steps of the Master.  He now walks along side of Him.