Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Monday, April 23, 2007

"Why I am Not a Moderate Muslim"

Interesting piece by Asma Khalid, in the Christian Science Monitor, called "Why I am not a Moderate Muslim."  A bit:

In the aftermath of September 11, much has been said about the need for "moderate Muslims." But to be a "moderate" Muslim also implies that Osama bin Laden and Co. must represent the pinnacle of orthodoxy; that a criterion of orthodox Islam somehow inherently entails violence; and, consequently, that if I espouse peace, I am not adhering to my full religious duties.

I refuse to live as a "moderate" Muslim if its side effect is an unintentional admission that suicide bombing is a religious obligation for the orthodox faithful. True orthodoxy is simply the attempt to adhere piously to a religion's tenets.

The public relations drive for "moderate Islam" is injurious to the entire international community. It may provisionally ease the pain when so-called Islamic extremists strike. But it really creates deeper wounds that will require thicker bandages because it indirectly labels the entire religion of Islam as violent.

"Personal law"

This article, by Jeff Redding, looks really interesting.  (HT:  Larry Solum).

In this piece, I draw upon Indian and other comparative legal experience to argue that the present U.S. system of territorial federalism resonates deeply with those systems of "personal law" that are commonly found around the world. Under a personal law system, a state enforces different laws for each of the state's different religious or ethnic communities - which is one reason such systems have been so heavily interrogated by U.N. and other international organisations for their human rights implications. Similarly, as well, U.S. First Amendment jurisprudence has frowned upon the carving out of religious-group exceptions to generally-applicable law. That being said, the U.S. Supreme Court has also recently given renewed emphasis to state sovereignty and other federal values. As this piece argues, what results from this worship of federalism is a truly American-style personal law system, where territorial communities have taken the place of other personal law systems' religious and ethnic communal constituencies. This being the case, I conclude by questioning recent innovations in American constitutional jurisprudence which devalue religious pluralism, while simultaneously elevating territorial communalism.

Sunday, April 22, 2007

"Why Notre Dame?"

Here is a must-read essay by my friend in Notre Dame's history department, Brad Gregory.  Brad is a very distinguished scholar, whom ND lured away from Stanford.  And, in this piece, he explains why he moved.  (It builds on things Brad wrote, in the context of l'affaire Vagina Monologues, about why a University's decision to actually worry about the content of what it sponsors does not render it an intellectual backwater.)

Now, I want to bracket the question whether Notre Dame actually has those characteristics that, in Brad's view, more than justify a move from Stanford.  But, assume that it does:

Were it not for this difference -- and Notre Dame's potential to become a kind of institution never before seen in American higher education, namely a first-rank research university that is also genuinely Catholic -- I never would have left Stanford for it. What would have been the point, if Notre Dame's Catholicity were as vestigial and vaporous as that of so many other institutions that had lost their formerly robust religious character? Better simply to stay at a great secular university to begin with.

What drew me to Notre Dame was its Catholic identity. Numerous academics think that any university with a religious mission must be inhibiting academic freedom, marking itself as sectarian and advertising itself as intellectually narrow. Such a characterization justly applies to some religiously affiliated colleges and universities, which want to keep the wider world at bay. Not so Notre Dame. In fact, in my experience, there is greater academic freedom at Notre Dame than at leading secular universities, in ways that both derive from and reach beyond its Catholic mission.

"What would have been the point"?  Exactly.  Educational (and other) institutions that chafe at the suggestion that "Catholic" should describe reality, rather than origins, need to face (and to be made to face) the question:  "What is the point?"  (The question should also always be squarely in the view of those who make decisions about institutions like Notre Dame.) 

Also:  Non-Catholic universities, and those who believe that an authentically Catholic university is, in the end, an impossibility (because "Catholic" limits "university"), need to ask themselves, "where has Prof. Gregory gone wrong?", when he says:

It is liberating to be at a University with a wider scope for academic freedom because it lets religion be religion on its own terms.

Law Prof bloggers at 7th Cir. Conference

Here is the schedule for the 7th Circuit Bar Association's Annual Meeting in Milwaukee, on May 6-8.  I'm participating on a panel -- "Bloggers and the Courts" -- on May 7, along with Judge Sykes, the inimitable Howard Bashman, and some other widely read law-prof bloggers.  (According to the program, I'm appearing in my "Prawfsblawg" capacity, and not my MOJ capacity; as the man said -- "that is something we shall have to remedy.")

Thoughts on reactions to Gonzales v. Carhart

My reading of the recent decision, along with the concurring and dissenting opinions, of Gonzales v. Carhart has been complemented by examining commentaries of the majority opinion by Members of Congress and the representatives of influential and formidable interest groups, especially those from the pro-abortion lobby. I have previously offered some thoughts on the media reaction by the New York Times [HERE].

One reaction that I have to the negative commentary of the majority opinion and the decision beyond that of the media is that the authors of these critiques generally share a different view of human nature and the res publicae from what our Founders had back in the latter part of the eighteenth century. Most of the Founders possessed and exercised a sensible understanding of the natural law, which inspires authentic human reasoning, a crucial element of the tradition that underpins Catholic Legal Theory. It was this sensible understanding of the natural law and the development of human, i.e., positive, law that led them to conclude that there exist truths which are self-evident.

However, it seems that many in our country—and, for that matter the world—have replaced the self-evident truth about human life, as corroborated by embryonic medical science, with the erroneous belief that the target of any abortion, including Partial Birth Abortion, is something  other than a human being. But, this target is not merely a clump of cells, it is not just tissue that can be easily disposed of by the exercise of the “Constitutional liberty”— in reality an exaggerated autonomy—of some. The target or object of any abortion is, first and last, a human being—yes, a person—in his or her nascent stages. Human life, one of those self-evident truths, is comprised of many stages. But those stages, and how they are manifested in each human life—each person—are not materially altered by the differences found among human beings. I think the members of the majority in Gonzales v. Carhart are beginning to get this point and articulating it consistent with the underlying principles of the Republic and its Constitution, although some members of the Court, like Justices Scalia and Thomas, have been presenting this point for some time. However, the dissenters on the Court and the critics of the majority opinion appear to deny this self-evident truth about human nature and human life and have replaced it with an exaggerated understanding of human autonomy—which they call the exercise of liberty and a woman’s entitlement —that would permit, from their perspective, the “right” to destroy another human being by ignoring the reality of the latter.

The harsh criticisms of the majority opinion will like continue and fuel heated political debates in the coming election season. But, as Americans all, we must not forget the principles upon which our Republic was founded and which the majority have apparently rediscovered. In this context, Pope John Paul II offered some important counsel in Centesimus Annus when he stated that “a democracy without values easily turns into open or thinly disguised totalitarianism.” [N. 46] He reiterated this point a few years later in Evangelium Vitae wherein he warned that when democracy contradicts its own principles (such as self-evident truths), it “effectively moves toward a form of totalitarianism.” [N. 20] I think the majority in Gonzales v. Carhart have come to acknowledge not only the truth of which the Pope spoke, regardless of their religious affiliation, but also understand, accept, and protect the principles upon which our Republic was founded.   RJA sj

Saturday, April 21, 2007

Speaking of Pro-Life ...

New York Times
April 22, 2007

In Turnabout, Infant Deaths Climb in South
By ERIK ECKHOLM

HOLLANDALE, Miss. — For decades, Mississippi and neighboring states with large black populations and expanses of enduring poverty made steady progress in reducing infant death. But, in what health experts call an ominous portent, progress has stalled and in recent years the death rate has risen in Mississippi and several other states.

The setbacks have raised questions about the impact of cuts in welfare and Medicaid and of poor access to doctors, and, many doctors say, the growing epidemics of obesity, diabetes and hypertension among potential mothers, some of whom tip the scales here at 300 to 400 pounds.

“I don’t think the rise is a fluke, and it’s a disturbing trend, not only in Mississippi but throughout the Southeast,” said Dr. Christina Glick, a neonatologist in Jackson, Miss., and past president of the National Perinatal Association.

To the shock of Mississippi officials, who in 2004 had seen the infant mortality rate — defined as deaths by the age of 1 year per thousand live births — fall to 9.7, the rate jumped sharply in 2005, to 11.4. The national average in 2003, the last year for which data have been compiled, was 6.9. Smaller rises also occurred in 2005 in Alabama, North Carolina and Tennessee. Louisiana and South Carolina saw rises in 2004 and have not yet reported on 2005.

Whether the rises continue or not, federal officials say, rates have stagnated in the Deep South at levels well above the national average.

Most striking, here and throughout the country, is the large racial disparity. In Mississippi, infant deaths among blacks rose to 17 per thousand births in 2005 from 14.2 per thousand in 2004, while those among whites rose to 6.6 per thousand from 6.1. (The national average in 2003 was 5.7 for whites and 14.0 for blacks.)

The overall jump in Mississippi meant that 65 more babies died in 2005 than in the previous year, for a total of 481.

[To read the rest of this disturbing article, click here.]

Religious Judges and Double Standards

The Auth cartoon made it to the Minneapolis Star-Tribune today.  Of course, when pro-choice senators opposed pro-life Catholic Bill Pryor's nomination for the court of appeals a few years ago and were accused (wrongly) of anti-Catholicism for doing so, pro-choicers were aghast.  The issue, they correctly argued, was not Pryor's Catholicism, it was his position on whether the Constitution protects abortion rights.  (They were quick to point out, of course, that some Catholic senators opposed him.)  The five justices in the Gonzales v. Carhart majority, on the other hand, are obviously simply acting out their Catholicism, not their judicial philosophy about when the Constitution overrides democratic majorities.  As Rick observes, it's only deemed an unacceptable "religious position" if you vote against the abortion-rights side.

Tom

Symbolism of the mitre

Mr. Auth, the cartoonist quoted by Rick has had previous company in offering a critical commentary about Catholics and public life in America. In the 19th century, Thomas Nast made a parallel commentary regarding his disdain for the presence of Catholics in public life. The more things change, the more they remain the same, I gather.

Nast1qc

RJA sj

Friday, April 20, 2007

Limbo?

Panel Backs Hopes for Unbaptized Infants Who Die
Pope OKs Publication of Report on Limbo

VATICAN CITY, APRIL 20, 2007 (Zenit.org).- Benedict XVI authorized the publication of a report that expresses the hope that babies who die without baptism are able to get to heaven.

The report by the International Theological Commission, published today, concluded that there are serious theological and liturgical grounds for the hope that such babies are saved and enjoy the beatific vision.

The commission says the theological hypothesis of "limbo" appeared to be based on an unduly restrictive view of salvation.

The 41-page document noted this is an "urgent pastoral problem," especially because of the large number of unbaptized babies who die as victims of abortion.

The commission's documents are not considered official expressions of the magisterium. But the commission does help the Holy See to examine important doctrinal issues.

The Catechism of the Catholic Church in No. 1261 explains: "As regards children who have died without baptism, the Church can only entrust them to the mercy of God, as she does in her funeral rites for them.

"Indeed, the great mercy of God who desires that all men should be saved, and Jesus' tenderness toward children which caused him to say: 'Let the children come to me, do not hinder them,' allow us to hope that there is a way of salvation for children who have died without baptism.

"All the more urgent is the Church's call not to prevent little children coming to Christ through the gift of holy baptism."

Faith-Based Justices

My colleague, Professor Geoff Stone, contends that the majority in this week's partial-birth-abortion case acted as "Faith-Based Justices."  In a follow-up post, also on the University of Chicago Law Faculty blog, I disagree.