Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Wednesday, April 25, 2007

More on Regret and the Constitution

In response to Andy Koppelman's expression of skepticism, Richard Stith defended the constitutional significance of a woman's potential regret of her decision to have an abortion.  He argued, in part, that:

[Justice Kennedy] essentially (1) appeals precisely to the above "legitimate purpose" already noted by O'Connor, (2) adds the empirical claims (a) that the consequences of such an a posteriori discovery are far worse than usual in the case of an "intact D&E" abortion and (b)that (therefore?) most abortion doctors doing an "intact D&E" will not adequately inform their clients, and so (3) concludes that the State may require abortion doctors to use a procedure that is less potentially psychologically destructive to women.

Prof. Koppelman now comments:

Professor Stith lays out Kennedy's argument sympathetically, and his exposition is valuable. There is, of course, not a bit of evidence supporting propositions 2(a), 2(b), or 3. But even if there were -- and I suppose absolutely any scenario you can imagine will *sometimes* happen -- the obvious solution would be, as in Casey, to require that the woman be given the information and then allow her to decide what she wants to do. The unpleasantness of the intact D&E procedure will be one factor in her decision; so will the dangers to her of alternative procedures -- dangers which will vary considerably from one woman to another. (It is only in unusual cases that intact D&E is even arguably medically indicated, which is why the procedure is rare.) The really bold leap of logic is to say that because some people will eventually regret making this decision (and, presumably, will do so even if they are fully informed at the time of decision), the state can bar the decision altogether. That's the proposition that has radical and unacceptable implications.

It's also worth noting that, from the pro-life perspective, the whole regret point is makeweight. If in fact abortion is murder, then it should be prohibited whether or not women regret it afterward. The law is not in the habit of accommodating unrepentant murderers.

Mexico, abortion, and us

As Michael notes, Mexico City has voted to legalize abortion in the first trimester.  Or, as Reuters reports, "Mexico City legalizes abortion, defies church."  (Which half of that headline was more fun for the Reuters person to write, I wonder?)  Here's a (slightly) tongue-in-cheek thought:  Lucky Mexico City!  They are allowed to vote on the matter, and to limit abortion to the first trimester!

This is the United States of America?

New York Times online
The Opinionator

The domestic Abu Ghraib, continued: National Review Online writer Andrew Stuttaford praises the “lengthy letter” by David Kaiser, president of Stop Prisoner Rape, that was published in The New York Review of Books. At The Corner, Stuttaford writes:

The letter is important in that it once again focuses attention on a state of affairs that has remained a national disgrace for far too long, but more than that it offers a number of useful suggestions including better educational facilities (yes, it shouldn’t be necessary to say this, but they matter..), proper use of protective custody, and more effective law enforcement within prisons. The Eight Amendment is there. Use it.

Stuttaford also excerpts a quote from Kaiser’s letter (making this item a blogtastic quote within a quote): “DeParle writes, ‘Since 1980 the murder rate inside prisons has fallen more than 90 percent, which should give pause to those inclined to think that prisons are impossible to reform.’ We could similarly reduce the incidence of rape in prison.”

Tuesday, April 24, 2007

April 24, 2007

Vote to Legalize Abortion in Mexico City

   
MEXICO CITY (AP) -- Mexico City lawmakers voted to legalize abortion Tuesday, a decision likely to influence policies and health practices across Mexico and other parts of heavily Roman Catholic Latin America.

The proposal, approved 46-19, with one abstention, will take effect with the expected signing by the city's leftist mayor. Abortion opponents have already vowed to appeal the law to the Supreme Court, a move likely to extend the bitter and emotional debate in this predominantly Catholic nation.

''Decriminalizing abortion is a historic triumph, a triumph of the left,'' said city legislator Jorge Diaz Cuervo, a social democrat who voted for the bill. ''Today, there is a new atmosphere in this city. It is the atmosphere of freedom.''

Nationally, Mexico allows abortion only in cases of rape, severe birth defects or if the woman's life is at risk. Doctors sometimes refuse to perform the procedure even under those circumstances.

The new law will require city hospitals to provide the procedure in the first trimester and opens the way for private abortion clinics. Girls under 18 would have to get their parents' consent.

The procedure will be almost free for poor or insured city residents, but is unlikely to attract patients from the United States, where later-term abortion is legal in many states. Under the Mexico City law, abortion after 12 weeks would be punished by three to six months in jail.

Mexico City is dominated by the leftist Democratic Revolution Party, at odds with President Felipe Calderon's conservative National Action Party, which opposed the abortion measure.

''We go to great lengths to protect (sea) turtle eggs,'' said city lawmaker Paula Soto, a member of Calderon's party. ''Lucky turtles! It appears they have more people willing to defend them than some unborn children.''

The law alarmed Calderon's party and prompted authorities to send ranks of riot police to separate chanting throngs of opposing demonstrators outside the city legislature.

''We want this law, because it means the right to choose,'' said Alma Romo, who described herself as a feminist. ''Unfortunately, there are some people who do not want to grant us that right.''

The Roman Catholic church has protested the measure and Mexico City Cardinal Norberto Rivera led a march through the capital last month in opposition. The Archdiocese said Tuesday that it would ''evaluate the moral consequences of the reforms'' and said Rivera would have no public comment on the vote until Sunday.

The only countries in Latin America and the Caribbean with legalized abortion for all women are Cuba and Guyana. Most others allow it only in cases of rape or when the woman's life is at risk. Nicaragua, El Salvador and Chile ban it completely.

The New York-based Center for Reproductive Rights, the legal arm of the reproductive rights movement globally, applauded the Mexico City law as ''historic.''

''This will serve as a model to get abortion accepted not only nationwide, but also in Latin America and the Caribbean, where women who interrupt their pregnancies are still sent to jail,'' said activist Elba Garcia, 24, who rode a flatbed truck in an abortion rights caravan through downtown Mexico City on Monday.

Recent newspaper polls showed that a majority of Mexico City residents support legalized abortions, at least in the first weeks of pregnancy.

The proposal has created an emotional confrontation in a country where the majority of people are Roman Catholic.

Calderon has opposed the proposal, and church leaders have led protests that pushed the limits of Mexico's constitutional ban on political activity by religious groups.

Opponents argue that life begins at conception and say the law would violate the Mexican Constitution's protection of individual rights. Supporters say the law would save the lives of thousands of women.

The city and its suburbs are home to about one-fifth of the country's population, and many Mexicans travel to the capital for medical treatment. Opponents fear the local law could attract women across Mexico seeking abortions.

An estimated 200,000 women have illegal abortions each year in Mexico, based on the number who show up at hospitals later seeking treatment for complications, said Martha Micher, director of the Mexico City government's Women's Institute.

Botched abortions using herbal remedies, black-market medications and quasi-medical procedures kill about 1,500 women each year and are the third-leading cause of death for pregnant women in the capital, Micher said.

 

Is potential regret constitutionally significant? Justice O'Connor thought so.

In the Casey decision (section V(B)), Justice Sandra Day O'Connor wrote "It cannot be questioned that psychological well-being is a facet of health. Nor can it be doubted that most women considering an abortion would deem the impact on the fetus relevant, if not dispositive, to the decision. In attempting to ensure that a woman apprehend the full consequences of her decision, the State furthers the legitimate purpose of reducing the risk that a woman may elect an abortion, only to discover later, with devastating psychological consequences, that her decision was not fully informed." (my emphasis)

I don't know why Kennedy didn't cite her on this point. He essentially (1)appeals precisely to the above "legitimate purpose" already noted by O'Connor, (2)adds the empirical claims (a)that the consequences of such an a posteriori discovery are far worse than usual in the case of an "intact D&E" abortion and (b)that (therefore?) most abortion doctors doing an "intact D&E" will not adequately inform their clients, and so (3) concludes that the State may require abortion doctors to use a procedure that is less potentially psychologically destructive to women.

Makes sense to me. I can think of another way the State could try to accomplish this goal, i.e.by setting up official counseling centers unrelated to any abortion business and requiring all women to be counseled there instead of by the guy who will make money from the abortion (as is done in Germany). But don't think the State is required to narrowly tailor its protective methods here, and I'm not sure that required separate counseling would be considered more narrowly tailored anyway. It certainly would be a much more expensive way to end up in almost the same place, i.e. with no one doing partial-birth abortions except in cases of extreme health risk (as allowed in theory by Kennedy).

Regret and the Constitution

Is potential regret constitutionally significant?  Reflecting on the majority opinion in Gonzales v. Carhart, Andy Koppelman wonders why it is relevant that women might come to regret their abortions:

[W]hat is the major premise of this argument? That constitutional liberties can be restricted if it sometimes happens that someone regrets exercising the liberty in a given way? It's hard to imagine any liberty that no one ever regrets. Some people who criticize actions of the government later wish that they had kept their mouths shut. Some criminal suspects regret that they didn't confess everything when the police first interrogated them. Some of the slaves freed by the Thirteenth Amendment were old and infirm, and some of them probably regretted leaving the plantation.

It is hard to imagine the boundaries of this principle as Kennedy has stated it. He cannot possibly mean it. One can only hope that, at some point, contemplating what he has written, he regrets it.

Geoff Stone's Glass House

MOJ friend and alum, John Breen, wrote the following:

"Thanks to Rick Garnett for posting Geoff Stone’s post regarding the Supreme Court’s decision in Gonzales v. Carhart.  Yes, Professor Stone published a “post” on the University of Chicago Law School’s faculty blog.  However, it would be incorrect to call what Stone has written an “argument” though it may bear some faint similarity to one.

"The structure of Professor Stone’s claim is as follows:  The Gonzales majority consisted of five Catholic justices; the moral judgment that partial-birth abortion is wrong cannot be supported by secular beliefs; therefore the five Catholic justices relied upon their religious convictions in deciding the case.  Of these three propositions, Professor Stone provides support only for the first, a modest accomplishment since the justices’ religious affiliations are a matter of public record.  He never provides support for his claim that the five justices in the majority in fact relied upon their religious beliefs.  Certainly they do not do so in any overt manner, invoking the Bible or the Catechism of the Catholic Church.  Thus, Stone simply assumes this to be the case.  In place of argument, Professor Stone offers us innuendo.  Likewise, Stone does nothing to show that opposition to abortion cannot be grounded in thoroughly secular reasoning.  This, we are to gather, is a self-evident truth.

"What is worse, Stone is extremely selective with respect to the inferences he urges his readers to make concerning the reasoning of the different justices.  Let’s be blunt:  It is a matter of historical record that the American Jewish Congress has long been a supporter of abortion rights.  Indeed, it assumed this position well before Roe was decided.  Why does Professor Stone not encourage his readers to infer that Justices Ginsburg and Breyer based their decision on religious premises?  Why should we not surmise from their religious affiliation, and nothing more, that they have likewise determined a legal question on the basis if their personal religious faith?

"Reading Professor Stone’s post reminded me of a passage from John Noonan’s under-appreciated book, A Private Choice (1979).  In it Noonan notes the habit of many in the media to identify “a person publicly opposed to abortion by his religion, if he happened to be Catholic” (p. 54) but to refrain from making this identification when the subject was some other moral issue such as opposition to the Vietnam War or care for the elderly.  Sadly, says Noonan, “just as a racist press once identified every thief if possible as black, so the press identified every public opponent [of abortion] if possible as Catholic” (p. 55).  I do not wish to accuse Professor Stone of stoking the still burning embers of anti-Catholicism in this country, but I am at pains to understand how Professor Stone’s commentary differs markedly from these journalistic practices of the past.  In making what Stone terms “a painfully awkward observation” concerning the Catholic identity of the five justice majority, we are left to conclude . . . what?  Again, if it is prove the religious basis of the majority’s decision, Stone still has much work to do.

 

"Rick Garnett is of course correct in his basic response to Stone, namely, that the moral value attached to all human life –whether in the early stages of development or in the twilight of existence— is not an inherently religious judgment.  Put another way, a judgment that attaches little value to a particular instantiation of human life shares precisely the same “religious” character as a judgment which attaches enormous value to the same entity.  Thus, Professor Stone seems not to fully comprehend the implications of his statement that the moral status of the fetus is a “rationally unresolvable question.”  Neutrality with respect to the value accorded fetal life is not an option.  Indeed, the Court in its abortion jurisprudence takes a definitive position with respect to this issue, a position which, if Professor Stone is to be believed, is not rational.  Indeed, if the answer to the question is not resolvable on rational, secular grounds, then the Court’s answer must be “religious” in its own way.

"Professor Stone ends his post by quoting the Court’s admonition in Casey that the role of the Court is “to define the liberty of all, not to mandate our own moral code” and asserting that the five Catholic justices in Gonzales chose “not to follow this example.”  Here his own normative commitment to the result in Roe and Casey and Stenberg blinds him to the irony of this admonition.  He cannot see that the basis of the decision in Roe and each of its progeny was the moral principles of the individual justices who decided these cases, and not the Constitution itself.  Proponents of the Court’s abortion jurisprudence have now had more than generation to put forth a convincing argument that the result in Roe was compelled by the text, structure and history of the Constitution, and they have failed – a point that the three justices in the plurality opinion in Casey as much admit.  Thus, Stone cannot argue that Ginsburg and her fellow dissenters merely relied upon what Stone terms “settled precedent” since that precedent in turn is based on the personal moral beliefs of the justices who created it.

"Finally we might ask this question: Why are supporters of abortion rights like Professor Stone so infatuated with this point of view, this desire to label the pro-life position as religious and irrational?  What explains their inability to see the pro-life position otherwise than through the lens of religious dogmatism, as anything other than an effort to oppress women and impose the tenets of a particular religious faith on an unwilling public?

"Let me simply suggest that what motivates this response is fear.  The proponents of this position are fearful that an intellectually honest debate about abortion —a debate confined to secular premises— would not be to their advantage.  That is, Professor Stone and many who share his point of view seek to avoid having such an argument by denying the rationality of those whom they oppose.  It is of course much easier to win an argument when the other side is silenced, when the legitimacy of one position is denied ab initio.  Sadly, when one side refuses to engage in a respectful and intellectually honest discussion of the topic, all that remains is a strategy of caricature and dismissal.   

"That this strategy is a common feature of what passes for “debate” on abortion in this country is surely a sad commentary on the state of American legal and political discourse.  What is especially disconcerting, however, is to see a chaired professor at the University of  Chicago – a venerable institution known for its unapologetic devotion to intellectualism – engaged in what can only be described as a public display of anti-intellectualism.  What is worse is to recognize that Professor Stone believes that he has actually made an argument."

Monday, April 23, 2007

Confronting Evil, Winning Over the Middle

I just recently got the book The History of the English-Speaking Peoples Since 1900, by English historian Andrew Roberts, which self-consciously updates Churchill's monumental work.  It looks like an interesting read, advancing, according to one jacket blurb, "the faith of Winston Churchill that the English-speaking peoples [UK, US, Australia, New Zealand] are 'the last best hope of mankind.'"  For this thesis to be convincing -- insofar as a nation state could ever be that kind of hope -- it would have to be asserted in quite a qualified, measured manner.  So we'll see.

I flipped first to Roberts's discussion of the Versailles Treaty, where he attacks the "received wisdom" that the Treaty's undue harshness on Germany ended up bringing on the next world war.  I'm no historian, so his attack could be right, but the following argument of his struck me as seriously fallacious: "Adolf Hitler had plans of conquest and dreams of scourging the Bolsheviks and Jews that would have led him far beyond the frontiers that any peacemakers could have possibly agreed for Germany at Versailles."  Of course he did, but the question is whether Hitler would have been able to take power in a Germany that had not been subjected to Versailles: the received wisdom, obviously, claims that the treaty's harshness contributed to the chaos in Germany that led many people to turn to Hitler for salvation.  You could question that claim factually (e.g. maybe the treaty itself didn't have such a harsh effect), but the quoted passage from Roberts seems simply to dodge the argument.

It's hard not to see a parallel in today's debates about how to deal with Bin Laden and "Islamo-fascists."  Since their demands are entirely unacceptable, and since no compromise can be brooked with evil, does that mean -- as is sometimes argued -- that there are no prudential limits on what should be done to fight them?  Only if you look at the violent radicals in isolation, and disregard the fight for the hearts and minds of millions of Muslims who might or might not be attracted to the radical wing -- who might either strengthen it or instead be helpful in our fight against it -- depending in part on how America acts.  To say this, of course, is decidedy not to advocate "blaming America first" or hamstringing ourselves from action against terrorists.  It is simply to say that we must consider the effects of our actions on both groups, "Islamo-fascists" and "Muslims in the middle."  People can differ on how precisely to balance those two considerations.  But when Roberts in the above-quoted passage about Versailles talks about only one -- the unmanageable Hitler, and not the larger group of Germans -- I wonder if he's driven by some of the perceived exigencies of today's fights?

(In defending the relevance of this post to Catholic legal theory, I'll plead that we've spent a fair amount of time on the blog talking about the theological/moral/prudential issues involved in "the war against terror" ...)

Tom

UPDATE: There's a debate at the The New Republic between Roberts and a critic over whether his book minimizes or apologizes for atrocities committed in the past by the British (e.g. the Amritsar massacre of Indians in 1919, the killing of Kenyans in the Mau-Mau uprisings in the 1950s, and the Boer-War concentration camps).  Again, the strong subtext is whether "the English-speaking peoples" (today, mostly the Americans) can generally be trusted to keep their use of force within acceptable bounds.  Sounds to me like the critic wins the debate over Roberts' passages, but I'll read the book.

Elshtain on Tocqueville and the Freedom of the Church

This appeared recently in the Chronicle Review, and I thought it was well worth re-printing:

JEAN BETHKE ELSHTAIN

God Talk and American Political Life

American civic life is indecipherable if severed from its entanglement with American religion -- most important, Protestant Christianity of a Methodist variety. (This Methodist variety was various indeed, with dozens and dozens of spinoffs.) As Alexis de Tocqueville observed about the young nation in Democracy in America, the action of religion on politics, and politics on religion, was "something new" under the political sun, as the rich associational intermingling took place absent a struggle for ascendance. That reciprocal relationship continues in American civil society today. Everybody now recognizes the fact, but it presents difficulties for scholars. It is almost impossible to argue that one influences the other disproportionately.

Religion in its dominant American forms of Protestantism has paid a price for its cultural centrality, of course. One charge against the Protestant mainline is that in the past 40 years it has "followed" the culture and its tendency to value individualism and play down a sense of community. Rather than offering a bracing alternative to rapacious individualism, Protestantism has fallen in line. One important task of religion is to challenge the political world and what it makes most important, to raise questions when politics overreach. You cannot do that very effectively if you are simply absorbed within the forms of politics and lose a robust "separateness."

Here is one place where the rubber hits the road. The First Amendment of the Constitution's section on protecting the free exercise of religion has come increasingly to mean "free religious expression," something that refers to a subjective belief. What the framers had in mind may have been more robust -- not just freedom of individual conscience but a form of institutional autonomy, real libertas ecclesiae. It is very difficult for religion to serve as "salt and light to the world" (that, at least, is what Christians are called to do, which is of some cultural import since the United States remains overwhelmingly Christian) if religion has no independent, vigorous institutional site. Yet we remain suspicious -- or many do -- when "churches" act, especially if the church in question happens to be Roman Catholic. In that I see not only the continuing echoes of our historic anti-Catholicism but a real fear, even animus, against the notion of "church" or "institutional religion." We are happier with "spirituality," but, as one wag put it, "What does that mean? That I've watched many episodes of Touched by an Angel?"

Let's circle back to Tocqueville. He had in mind not only the subjective freedoms of believing citizens but also the mutual interaction of religious institutions and associations. That is what appears to have withered. And it is through religious institutions and communal bodies that the "politics" of religion comes through. It isn't a politics that dictates a particular policy outcome in any simple sense but that instead presents to a highly subjectivist culture an alternative understanding of persons and the common good. That may be the most important "political" contribution of all. If there are changes in the relationship of religion to American society, they very likely lie in accommodationism rather than continuing and sustained challenge.

Of course, America's elites don't mind if "religion," speaking institutionally, shares their enthusiasms. But as soon as "religion" trenches on their turf -- on the abortion issue, say, or the cloning and destruction of human embryos for research -- they voice cries of the illicit intrusion of religion into politics.

As to new directions for research: Here the issue of religion in civil society has certainly been joined. But there are fewer scholars than there should be reminding both religious and political forces how fractious the engagement can andI would insist -- ought to be. American society has all sorts of ways of working this out. But one party to the deep moral questions that vex us should not be forced to operate under a cloud of suspicion that it speaks from, and to, a "sectarian" perspective that is unacceptable in American life.

Jean Bethke Elshtain is a professor of social and political ethics at the University of Chicago.

http://chronicle.com
Section: The Chronicle Review
Volume 51, Issue 9, Page B7

China and the Church

Amy Welborn has this post up about the death of Michele Fu Tieshan, "Patriotic Archbishop of Beijing," who will, according to the news report, "receive a funeral fit for a 'head of state.' There will be no Vatican representative present, neither the religious ceremony nor the state burial."  Also:

The capital’s faithful notice with some bitterness that the patriotic bishop’s body was “sequestered” by the PA – of which Fu was national president – in order to publicize his “contribution to the nation”, without a single reference to the Catholic faith. “He died as he lived – one woman notices – that is as Communist Party property”. The same official Party statement, exalts him as a “patriotic religious leader, social activist and great friend of the Chinese communist party”.

For more of my take on the "Patriotic Association," and religious freedom in China, go here.