Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Saturday, November 26, 2005

Not-getting Alito on religion

Emily Bazelon has an essay up at Slate.com called "God Help Him:  Alito Gets Religion."  Bazelon is an excellent writer, and very helpful on law- and Court-related matters.  But she misses the boat here, I think:

Sam Alito, Champion of the Religiously Downtrodden—it has a certain ring. Alas, it also largely falls apart upon closer examination. . . .

Alito's religious-liberty opinions are mechanistic applications of precedent. They reveal little about the stance he'd take toward religious liberty as a justice of the Supreme Court. Meanwhile, his church-state opinions are consistently, predictably, conservative. When his rulings on religion are taken as a whole, their most noteworthy aspect isn't Alito's independence. Rather, it's his fealty to the view—fervently espoused on the current court by Antonin Scalia—that the government must give religious groups the same access to public benefits that it gives secular ones. As in, if the Boy Scouts or the town fire department can meet in a public-school classroom, then so can the local Bible-study group.

For starters, I'm not sure what it means to say that Alito's religious-freedom opinions are "mechanistic applications of precedent."  I mean, it is true that -- to his credit -- Alito "appli[es] . . . precedent" in his religious-freedom opinions, but the cases being cited by Alito's supporters as evidence for his sensitivity to religious-freedom concerns hardly decided themselves.  Nor am I sure what it means to say that the church-state opinions discussed in the essay are "consistently, predictably conservative" -- except that, perhaps, they reach results on equal-treatment and neutrality grounds that are consistent with the published views of a majority of our allegedly "conservative" Supreme Court.  Finally, Bazelon's effort to link Alito's approach to the bogeyman of Justice Scalia is quite misleading:  She knows full well that Justices O'Connor and Kennedy, no less than Scalia, have consistently endorsed the view that view that "the government must give religious groups the same access to public benefits that it gives secular ones."  Is the idea that to point out Alito's agreement here (as in nearly every other context) with Justice O'Connor would not do enough to scare Slate's readers?

"A Catholic Renaissance at Princeton"?

So reports George Weigel:

Princeton's vibrant Catholic community is, today, at the center of the enterprise to which John Witherspoon dedicated his life: the dialogue of faith and reason in the service of democracy and human freedom. If you're a student looking for an intellectually challenging education and a Catholic community whole-heartedly committed to the new evangelization, or if you're a parent looking for such a school for your son or daughter, you could do far worse than look at Princeton. Indeed, you'd be far better off with Princeton than with several high-priced institutions whose Catholicism is vestigial at best.

The Princeton Catholic renaissance is nothing short of amazing – and heartening. It's currently led by a marvelous chaplain, Father Tom Mullelly, who believes in leading by forming leaders. Three Sunday Masses, a well-attended daily Mass, and adoration of the Blessed sacrament keep Princeton's Catholics eucharistically centered. The RCIA program brings new Princetonian Catholics into the Church every Holy Week – during which outdoor stations of the cross give a powerful witness to the central story of western civilization. Numerous Bible studies, "Catholic principles" studies, and similar discussion groups maintain a lively conversation about Catholic truth and its application in the world. The campus ministry organizes an annual spring pilgrimage (Rome and Spain were recent destinations). Distinguished Catholic speakers are regularly invited to campus; a Gregorian chant choir offers an introduction to classic Catholic music; and Princeton's Catholics pray Vespers every Tuesday evening with Princeton's Episcopalians and Lutherans.

This is very good news.  That said, I did have to laugh -- just a little -- at Weigel's allowing that a parent "could do far worse than look at Princeton."  If only "taking a look" were enough to get one's kid admitted . . . to (probably) the best undergraduate institution in America!

Judge Randolph, Judge Friendly, and Abortion

A few weeks ago, in Washington, D.C., Judge Ray Randolph delivered the Federalist Society's annual Barbara Olson lecture.  (Thanks to Orin Kerr for the link).  He opened with this:

It is well-known that Henry J. Friendly was one of the greatest judges in our nation’s history. Along with Holmes and Brandeis and Learned Hand, he was certainly one of the most brilliant. What is not known is that in 1970, three years before Roe v. Wade, Judge Friendly wrote an opinion in the first abortion-rights case ever filed in a federal court. No one knows this because his opinion was never published. I have a copy of the opinion and his papers are now at the Harvard Law School, awaiting indexing.

The lecture is not long, though it is too long to excerpt helpfully here.  This passage, though -- taken from Judge Friendly's draft -- caught my eye:

"An undertone of plaintiffs’ argument is that legislative reform is hopeless, because of the determined opposition of one of the country’s great religious faiths. Experience elsewhere, notably Hawaii’s recent repeal of its abortion law, would argue otherwise. But even if plaintiffs’ premise were correct, the conclusion would not follow. The contest on this, as on other issues where there is determined opposition, must be fought out through the democratic process, not by utilizing the courts as a way of overcoming the opposition . . . clearing the decks, [and] thereby enabling legislators to evade their proper responsibilities. Judicial assumption of any such role, however popular at the moment with many high-minded people, would ultimately bring the courts into the deserved disfavor to which they came dangerously near in the 1920's and 1930's. However we might feel as legislators, we simply cannot find in the vague contours of the Fourteenth Amendment anything to prohibit New York from doing what it has done here.

OK, So It's Not the Most Compelling Pro-Life Claim ...

Store this away in your file of crazy "What if we treated the unborn as persons?" hypotheticals. From the East Valley Tribune in Arizona (via Andrew Sullivan):

A pregnant woman ticketed for driving in the carpool lane will have her day in court next month to argue that her unborn child counts as a second person in the car.

"I understand the reasoning for the HOV Lane," said Candace Dickinson, 23. "But whether my son is in a car seat versus my stomach, I don't get it. It's the same thing."

Friday, November 25, 2005

Death Row Conversion

In the current issue of Mother Jones -- dedicated, for the most part, to breathless and superficial speculation about "where the religious right is taking us" -- there is this article, "Death Row Conversion", the central claim of which is this:  "Traditional opponents of capital punishment have gained powerful and unlikely allies: American Catholics, many of them conservatives defending a 'culture of life.'"

Sigh.  I know this is a bit snarky, but this business of scare-quotes around the culture of life, and the suggestion that there is something "unlikely" about Catholics dedicated to the dignity of the human person working to abolish capital punishment is tiresome.  One might just as well comment on the "unlikely" alliance of Catholics committed to the dignity of the human person with secularists on the left, whose appreciation for that dignity is not always and has not always been clearly revealed.  In any event, it's a good article, and it makes good use of Richard Dieter, a real stand-up guy:

“Not so long ago you couldn’t get anyone to express doubts about the death penalty,” says Richard Dieter, director of the Death Penalty Information Center and himself a Catholic. “Then you have this Catholic voice coming in, and coming in loudly, and saying, ‘This is our issue, too, and we are firmly against it.’ It sounds like something you might hear from the left wing, but Pope John Paul was hardly a radical. [RG:  Actually, he was.]  And so the debate changes. It becomes about the merits of the issue rather than some fringe idea.”

Death-penalty abolitionists seem willing to accept the rightward tilt of these potential adherents. “The church brings a strong moral voice to the issue,” says Diann Rust-Tierney, executive director of the National Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty. “It is welcome and it is timely. This is the time to push.”

. . .  Death by increments is the way that the death penalty is most likely to meet its demise, says the Pew Forum’s Green. “It would be very difficult to abolish the death penalty in one fell swoop,” he says. “Public opinion isn’t there. I do think that the emphasis the Catholic hierarchy has placed on this issue is likely to inspire a lot more activism, which presents real opportunities for change.” Richard Dieter concurs: “The death penalty is not going to end because of a moral revolution,” he says. “People aren’t going to swing over to the Catholic side. Most Americans don’t think that way. But there’s an openness to consider it now, which the Catholic Church has made possible. I’m not morally weak for opposing the death penalty. I’m morally strong. That is a big change.”

Canossa II: A reprieve

This column in the Boston Globe -- "House doors closed again" -- gets it wrong, and should be cause for alarm:

What happens when the Outsiders become the Insiders on Beacon Hill?

That's the question after Representative Byron Rushing of Boston maneuvered behind the scenes last week to derail a vote on a bill that would require all churches in Massachusetts to open their books to the public.

On the last day of the formal legislative session for the year, the South End Democrat shepherded the Episcopal bishop of Massachusetts and representatives of other Protestant denominations into the office of House Speaker Salvatore F. DiMasi to charge that their churches were being swept up unfairly in an effort to impose accountability on the embattled Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Boston.

DiMasi, who two days earlier had predicted the bill's passage, pulled it from the calendar.

What is so striking about the successful 11th-hour lobbying is that the man behind it has spent much of his 22-year legislative career bemoaning the closed-door meetings and back-room dealings that have long characterized House operations, especially under former House speaker Thomas M. Finneran. Becoming part of leadership -- Rushing is the second assistant majority leader -- appears to have changed his perspective.

Just so we are clear, the proposal in question is not merely a sunshine law aiming to "require all churches in Massachusetts to open their books to the public."  It reflects (see here and here for more) an effort by some Catholics in Massachusetts to enlist the power of the government in their effort to bring about what they regard as much needed "reform" in the Church.  A meaningful separation of church and state has -- as Justice Souter once put it, in another context -- "no more certain antithesis."

What the reporter laments as "back room" dealings are better regarded as much-needed and welcome efforts to derail a misguided and intrusive proposal, which is itself the product of an inflamed majority.  Here is more:

Walsh does not deny that the upheaval was the catalyst for the bill requiring churches to submit to the same financial disclosure laws that govern every other charity in Massachusetts, but ''every church would benefit," she said. ''When you operate in the dark you are not operating in the public interest."  [RG:  Memo to Sen. Walsh . . . please spare the churches your efforts to 'benefit' them by subjecting their decisions and internal operations to government supervision.]

She compared the opposition of religious leaders to the objections of club owners when Massachusetts tightened fire safety regulations in the wake of the Station nightclub fire. ''We had clubs saying, 'We haven't had a fire. Why are you dragging us into this?' " Walsh recalled. ''Yes, it happened there, but we all knew it could have happened here."  [RG:  This is bizarre.  The non-Catholic religious leaders who are rallying -- to their credit -- to stave off this intrusive bill are to be compared to night-club owners trying to avoid safety regulations?]

Churches became exempt only in 1954 from the reporting requirements that govern tax-exempt, charitable organizations in the state. The sex abuse scandal illuminated the folly of such secrecy. Critics are being disingenuous when they argue that disclosure would be an infringement on religious freedom. This is not about theology; it is about money.  [RG:  Actually, no.  It is about theology, and not really about money.] 

Forget the Ten Commandments displays and the Pledge of Allegiance, folks -- This is the religious-freedom fight worth caring about.

Welcome to Steve Shiffrin

This welcome comes late -- after Steve's first post -- but it's worth extending anyway:  Welcome, to MOJ, to Professor Steve Shiffrin (Cornell), a prominent First Amendment and church-state scholar and someone who has been, since we started this blog, an engaged and stimulating correspondent and comment-er.

Are Universities Obsolete?

One of the most-often-discussed topics here at "Mirror of Justice" is the nature, future, and function of Catholic universities.  So, I thought this reflection, "The Modern University Has Become Obsolete," might be of interest.

Wednesday, November 23, 2005

Another Disappointed Voice

I've been depressed all day about the Vatican's latest statement on homosexuality and the priesthood, perhaps more so because I somehow let myself become convinced the document was not going to be as bad as people were worried it might be.

Although I share the lack of understanding of what it means to be a supporter of "gay culture" that others have expressed, what really troubles me is the exclusion of those with "deeply rooted homosexual tendencies."  There is no question that so long as celibacy is a requirement of the priesthood (whether it should or should not be is a different debate), that all candidates who appear incapable of living a celibate lifestyle - heterosexual or homosexual -  must be excluded.  But to categorically exclude, as the statement appears to, all persons with a homosexual orientation, regardless of their ability to live a celibate life, is difficult for me to reconcile with the Church's recognitions in earlier statements that homosexual orientation is innate and ought not be a ground for discrimination. 

I suspect we have all known gay priest who live and have lived their lives faithful to their vows and to the teachings of the Church.  We will all suffer the loss of such men in the future.

Persons with "homosexual tendencies" in the priesthood

The recent statement of the Congregation for Catholic Education presumably was welcome for most, but by no means all, Catholic conservatives. I, no conservative, find it disturbing. At the outset there are questions about the nature of what is referred to as the "so-called homosexual culture," about the apparently assumed link between homosexuality and pedophilia, about what the statement says to gay priests particularly those who have always been faithful to their vows, the impact of the policy on the availability of the Eucharist (assuming prospective applicants are truthful), and the extent to which the policy might encourage dissembling at the outset of a priest's career (a culture of careerism at higher levels by hiding one's views has been remarked upon by Richard McCormick).
I pass over the question of the extent of deference that is owed to the position taken by Church leaders (albeit rejected by many Catholic theologians) on the immorality of same sex relations between committed couples. I will simply say that I was heartened by a recent NCR article,

http://natcath.org/NCR_Online/archives2/2005d/111105/111105m.php (subscription may be required)

 The article is mainly about Fr. John J. McNeill who wrote The Church and Homosexuality in 1976 in which he rejected Vatican teachings on same sex relations and became something of a celebrity. The article suggests that McNeill's intellectual successor is Daniel Helminiak, a 62-year-old psychotherapist and professor of psychology at the University of West Georgia. Helminiak is  the author What the Bible Really Says About Sexuality He is convinced "the old biblical, theological and psychological disputes have now been resolved in favor of gay and lesbian relationships."  He maintains the evidence is “incontrovertible.” [I wish it were that good!]

He is concerned about helping gays “live with a profound spirituality,” I regret that the Congregation's recent statement will be read to deny that gays can live such lives. It will be read alongside the statement of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith maintaining that gays and lesbians should not be able to adopt children because of their "disordered condition." The latter statement was issued when its moral authority to speak about the care of children was at a low ebb.

I understand the views of those who believe statements such as these reinforce the moral authority of the Church because of its integrity, consistency, and unwillingness to blow with the winds. But, if I am right, the Holy Spirit will keep those winds blowing.

My thanks to Rick and Michael for encouraging me to join the site and to Mark for issuing the invitation. I have been an engaged lurker for some time.
Steve