Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Monday, November 28, 2005

Homosexuality, Helminiak, the Bible, and the development of Catholic Legal Theory

Last week Steve Shiffrin blogged on "Person's with 'Homosexual Tendencies' in the Priesthood."  In that post, he discusses an NCR article:  "The article is mainly about Fr. John J. McNeill who wrote The Church and Homosexuality in 1976 in which he rejected Vatican teachings on same sex relations and became something of a celebrity. The article suggests that McNeill's intellectual successor is Daniel Helminiak, a 62-year-old psychotherapist and professor of psychology at the University of West Georgia. Helminiak is  the author What the Bible Really Says About SexualityHe is convinced "the old biblical, theological and psychological disputes have now been resolved in favor of gay and lesbian relationships."  He maintains the evidence is “incontrovertible.” [I wish it were that good!]"

On a personal level, I hold Daniel Helminiak in high esteem, but I must confess that I haven't read his book.  What is the basis for his conclusion that "the old biblical, theological and psychological disputes have now been resolved in favor of gay and lesbian relationships"?  On what basis does he conclude that the evidence is "incontrovertible"? 

Thanks, Michael S.

Toward a Christian Theory of Swearing

I tend to mind my own business in public -- that is, until someone decides to start using obscenities around my kids, at which time I enter confrontational mode, motivated by the worthiest of causes.  But is my cause worthy?  What's the problem with swearing?  And if it's not OK for kids, why is it OK for adults?  My evangelical sensibilities bristle even when I hear folks swear in an adults-only context, especially when it's done by fellow followers of Christ.  In this regard, check out Joe Carter's long overdue "Christian Critique of Swearing."

Certainly my sensitivity has dulled over the years since a childhood when I would equate a stray four-letter word with a greased chute to Hell (especially since one of the coolest Christians alive does it), but the question persists: is it OK for Christians to swear?  Is opposition to swearing tied up in a legalistic approach to faith?  Should the ongoing cultural engagement project challenge the rapidly loosening standards of proper speech in our public life? 

Rob

Are the Catholic Justices "Economic Libertarians"?

Rick asks a fair question in response to my post on the SCOTUS Catholics: where's my data re whether they in fact follow the Novak line on the relationship of Catholicism to the market? Well, neither Kennedy, Thomas or Scalia have quoted either Novak or Fr. Neuhaus (far as I know), and their attitudes toward government regulation probably have as much to do with their (secular) conservatism as their religious beliefs. And we don't know much yet about Roberts and Alito, although it does seem that Robert's approach may reflect the pro-business philosophy of Republicans who have spent much of their career in large law firms. Does that make them "economic libertarians" as Foer describes them? Thomas seems close to that description, Scalia seems mostly preoccupied with originalism rather than economic theory, Kennedy has always struck me as a kind of country-club Republican,and we don't know enough yet aboutt Roberts and Alito.  That being said, if I had to predict how they will behave as judges, I would predict that they would cleave much closer to the Novak line than to the mainstream Catholic tradition of profound ambivalence about the virtues of the market.

--Mark

More on Gays in the Priesthood

For an excellent statement on the Church’s position on gays in the priesthood, see Father Gerard Thomas, A Source of Scandal, http://www.beliefnet.com/story/179/story_17969_1.html#cont. Among other things, he says: “[T]he document statement that gay men per se are incapable of relating to men and women is one of the most offensive things I have ever read in any church document about homosexuals. It says to gay men--and by extension, celibate gay priests who have long been in ministry--that they are simply unable to relate to their fellow human beings. After years of dedicated service--after hearing confessions, baptizing infants, preparing people for marriage, sitting by the beds of the sick and dying, and counseling people in trouble--the gay priest is told he doesn't understand people and cannot relate to them. The recent Instruction is breathtaking in its lack of understanding of the lived experience of celibate gay priests and of gay men and women. It is, to use some official church terminology, a cause for "scandal," something that will cause people to lose heart in the church. And sometime in the future the Catholic [C]hurch will find itself having to apologize for speaking so callously about an entire group of people. Where, in the end, is the message of Jesus in this document? Where is his message of inclusion and encouragement and love? It is nowhere.”

Sunday, November 27, 2005

Welcome back, Mark

Mark's sojourn in the land of la dolce vita has wound down, and we're pleased to have him back in full-on-MOJ-posting mode.  He notes (nicely):

The latest issue of issue of Commonweal contained Rick's characteristically insightful review of three relatively new books on Church/State, including Noah Feldman's, which was discussed at length here on MOJ, and Marci Hamilton's GOD VS. THE GAVEL, which we did discuss, although not at as great length. I suspect that the strict limits on the length of reviews in my favorite mag kept Rick from a longer critique of Marci's book (Rick -- am I wrong?).

No, Mark is not wrong.  I share Mark's affection for Marci Hamilton, and also his concern that she goes too far "in her willingness to chop back constitutional protections for religious practices."

A question for Mark, who observes:

[Foer] emphasizes the political implications of this convergence by pointing out the increased use of Catholic CST rhetoric in Bush's last presidential campaign (solidarity, the common good, protecting the weakest member of society, etc.) I'll let the readers decide for themselves whether that use of this rhetoric meant anything or whether it was just cant --you can imagine where I stand on that.)

Actually, Mark . . . where do you stand on that?  Do you think that Bush's use of "CST rhetoric" was entirely or "just cant"?

I also think Foer goes astray (in his very good piece) in characterizing the (soon) five Catholics on the Court as "economic libertarians."  There is simply no evidence that these Justices are "economic libertarians"; that they interpret and apply laws enacted by a Congress that has long been "pro-business," or that they interpret and enforce constitutional provisions that reflect a (perhaps) "libertarian" desire to protect individual rights by constraining government power, does not make them "economic libertarians."  Similarly, I think Mark missteps when he refers to the "highly tendentious and contested nature of [the Justices'] Catholicism, particularly with respect to the social and economic issues" or to "their Novak-inspired 'Catholic' view of the proper relationship between the market and the state[.]"  My own views, as Mark knows, are closer to Neuhaus's than his are -- and are, as I'm sure Mark would concede, "Catholic" without the scare quotes -- but still:  I do not believe there is data from which Mark could fairly draw conclusions about the "tendentious and contested nature" of the Justices' Catholicism on "economic issues" (or, for that matter, "social issues").

In any event, welcome home!

U.S. Catholics and the Death Penalty, Abortion, Etc.

[From The Tablet, Nov. 26, 2005.]

Catholic support for death penalty grows in US
. NEARLY FOUR years of sexual abuse scandals in the United States have had little impact on the belief patterns of American Catholics, according to a new survey.

The research, which has been carried out every six years since 1987 by a group of sociologists at the Catholic University of America in Washington, DC, also shows that Catholic support for the death penalty has risen and an increasing number of Catholics disagree with church teaching on abortion.

Dr William D’Antonio, of the Life Cycle Institute at the university, said he had expected there to be a significant decline in church attendance in response to the scandals.

“We were surprised because we thought that if the impact had been deep there would be a greater drop in church attendance,” Dr D’Antonio told The Tablet. Since the last survey in 1999 weekly churchgoing had declined by 4 per cent among Catholics over 65, by 8 per cent among 45- to 64-year-olds and by 1 per cent among those under 44.

Dr D’Antonio added that the drop had been less among those who went to church once a month. “The theory is that if a person is hugely committed and the organisation betrays them they will struggle to change the organisation rather than leaving it,” he said. “People with low commitment require less of the organisation and so long as it fulfils the criteria of birth, marriage and death they will never leave.”

Meanwhile, the percentage of people who believed they could be a good Catholic without agreeing with the Church on abortion rose from 39 per cent when the first survey was carried out in 1987 to 58 per cent this year. Catholics also disagreed with the Church on the death penalty, with 57 per cent supporting its stiffer enforcement.

The survey also examined political affiliation, finding that 41 per cent of Catholics, the majority of them women, declare themselves Democrat and 37 per cent are Republican. However, 62 per cent of 18- to 24-year-old Catholics had voted for the Democrat challenger John Kerry in the last election.

The research was carried out by Gallup using a random sample of 875 practising Catholics.
Isabel de Bertodano, Washington, DC

The Market for Virtue

Below is an excerpt from an interesting discussion in ZENITH of a book by Berkeley's David Vogel,THE MARKET FOR VIRTUE (Brookings).  Vogel raises the possibility that changes in the law might be a an appropriate response to the underproduction of virtue in market capitalism. He seems tp recognize, however, the sharp tension between that idea and the prevailing shareholder wealth maximization norm in American corporate law and theory, and believes that we may have to rely on those companies who adopt socially responsible policies voluntarily to the extent that they can do so and continue to survive in highly competitive markets with less responsible companies.

Date: 2005-11-19

Virtue and the Market

Corporate Social Responsibility Under the Microscope

BERKELEY, California, NOV. 19, 2005 (Zenit.org).- Ethics and corporate conduct continue to be hot topics. A book published earlier this year gives a succinct oversight of the main issues involved in the concept of corporate social responsibility.

Written by University of California professor David Vogel, "The Market for Virtue" (Brookings Institution Press) starts off asking what it means, in fact, to be a virtuous company. There is a vast amount of literature on the subject and thousands of diverse policies among companies regarding ethical conduct.

A multitude of matters falls under the heading of corporate social responsibility: working conditions in factories in developing countries; child labor; guaranteeing fair prices for agricultural producers; environmental concerns; and human rights.

Vogel observes that companies can have differing motivations for following virtuous policies. Some can be defensive, to ward off hostile publicity, while others can stem from a genuine commitment to social goals. In any case, he adds: "The supply of corporate virtue is both made possible and constrained by the market."

There is a market for virtue, he notes, but it is limited. From a market perspective, businesses can justify social-responsibility policies, under some circumstances. But there are limits to this, and there is also a large space available for less-responsible competitors.

This is due to the advantages, and limits, of market capitalism. On the positive side, firms are free to innovate and citizens have the possibility to influence corporate practices through their decisions about what to buy and where to invest. On the negative side, because ethical policies are voluntary and companies are subject to market discipline, firms will only follow them when it makes good business sense. So, corporate social responsibility can remedy some problems, but are not a complete solution

-------

The Zenith discussion of the book ends with the following observation: "Combining business with ethics is addressed in the Compendium of Social Doctrine of the Church. The economy has a moral dimension, explains No. 322, which means the growth of wealth should be accompanied by a concern for solidarity and a spirit of justice and charity.The effort to create projects capable of encouraqging a more equitable society and a more human world is difficult, acknowledges the following numbers [of the Compendium]. But such effort is needed to preserve the moral quality and meaning of economic activity."

I suspect most of us here on MOJ would agree with the last sentence, but I imagine the divide between us would be over the question of whether there is a place for law in creating, or in creating incentives for virtuous companies, or whether virtue is something that can be produced only voluntarily (as by the many economy of communion businesses). Would our positions be different if we replaced the word "virtuous" with "just"?

--Mark

Saturday, November 26, 2005

Catching Up and the Catholic SCOTUS

On the (interminable) flight back from Rome, I tried to catch up on my magazine reading -- mostly Commonweal of course, but also the New Republic. The latest issue of issue of Commonweal contained Rick's characteristically insightful review of three relatively new books on Church/State, including Noah Feldman's, which was discussed at length here on MOJ, and Marci Hamilton's GOD VS. THE GAVEL, which we did discuss, although not at as great length. I suspect that the strict limits on the length of reviews in my favorite mag kept Rick from a longer critique of Marci's book (Rick -- am I wrong?). While I like and respect Marci an awful lot, I think she has gone a bit over the top in her willingness to chop back constitutional protections for religious practices. After all, the First Amendment has been of little use to dioceses in sexual abuse litigation--so why reduce its scope even further?

      In any event, the other piece that pulled me out of my flight-induced torpor was a TRB by Franklin Foer in the November 14 New Republic entitled "Brain Trust," which was ostensibly about the phenomenon of an increasingly Catholic dominated SCOTUS, but was  actually an interesting discussion about the relationship of evangelicals and Catholics in politics and the growing split among Catholic intellectuals.

              Coincidentally, Justice Scalia gave an interesting talk before the American Catholic Historical Association here in Phila about three years ago on the history of Catholics on the SCOTUS. He summarized his historical analysis by saying that we've moved from essentially excluding Catholics, to guaranteeing a Catholic "seat", to making it irrelevant whether a candidate is Catholic. It looks like we have to add a fourth step: under the Bush administration, being a Catholic is a positive plus (at least a certain kind of Catholic). In trying to explain why this was so, Foer began with a discussion of Mark Noll's well-known THE SCANDAL OF THE EVANGELICAL MIND, and the trend among conservative evangelicals to turn to Catholics for "intellectual aid." As Foer put it, evangelicals did not just need Catholic votes and political resources "they needed Catholic minds to support them with rhetoric that relied more on morality than biblical quotation." Foer emphasizes the political implications of this convergence by pointing out the increased use of Catholic CST rhetoric in Bush's last presidential campaign (solidarity, the common good, protecting the weakest member of society, etc.) I'll let the readers decide for themselves whether that use of this rhetoric meant anything or whether it was just cant --you can imagine where I stand on that.) Now, Foer is savvy enough to point out that the "scandal of the evangelical mind" and its resulting turn to the Catholic moral and social tradition did not "inevitably lead Republican presidents to appoint Catholics [to SCOTUS]." His explanation for why that did happen is threefold. First, there's just so dang many Catholic lawyers. Even when ethnic Catholics could not get into "top law schools, they could attend places like Fordham and Villanova," and now many of them such as Roberts and Alito are products of the "top" schools.(Ouch! I guess that was intended as a kind of compliment though I'm not sure. Foer also does not seem to recognize that even after the "top" schools [ie, the ones where the rich and blueblooded went] opened up in the 50s and 60s, many bright young Catholic kids chose to go to Catholic law schools such as Fordham and Villanova anyway.) Second, many Catholic lawyers "wended their way into the arms of conservatism" as a reaction to the tumult of the 60s and Roe, and to assiduous courting by Nixon and Reagan. Third, appointing Catholics is just good politics, as the Republicans continue to pry Catholics away from what is left of the New Deal connection to the Dems. I don't know if any of this really accounts for the (potential)presence of five Catholics on SCOTUS. Political happenstance may be as good an explanation; if Miers had made it we'd have an ex-Catholic evangelical, and Alito hasn't been confirmed yet, and could be replace by a non-Catholic.

The more interesting part of Foer's analysis is his recognition that the five Catholic "economic libertarians" appointed by Republican presidents do not represent an uncontested version of Catholicism. He says, "At the same time Catholic conservatives joined the evangelicals in battle, they have simultaneously waged a war against their co-religionists in an attempt to alter the Church's traditional preference for a strong state...Led by [Richard John] Neuhaus and ...Michael Novak, these conservatives want to realign papal teaching with support for an unrestrained market. As Neuhaus...has put it, 'Capitalism is the economic corollary of the Christian understanding of man's nature and destiny.' " As MoJ readers know, I believe that is nonsense, but i do not want to fight that out again now. What I found useful in Foer's piece is the recognition, rare in the non-Catholic press, that the  heavy "Catholic" presence on SCOTUS is mostly (I don't know abt Kennedy) the presence of a particular kind of American Catholic, and that our understanding of the significance of their "Catholicism" for what they do on the Court should take into account what I regard as the highly tendentious and contested nature of their Catholicism, particularly with respect to the social and economic issues. In fact, their Novak-inspired "Catholic" view of the proper relationship between the market  and the state may ultimately have broader practical significance than their Catholic views on abortion, as they bring it to bear on the many important cases involving federal regulation of business and economic life they will confront over their careers.

--Mark

Alito and Free Exercise

Thanks to Rick for his post on Emily Bazelon's article about Alito's Religion Clause opinions.  The article also misfires in stating that Alito's opinions on free exercise of religion don't show a "libertarian" streak or a sensitivity to minority rights, but are mere "mechanistic applications of precedent."

The major claim for Alito as a strong free exercise proponent rests on two opinions he wrote, one holding that a Muslim police officer in Newark should be able to wear a beard notwithstanding a departmental grooming policy against facial hair (Fraternal Order of Police v. Newark, 170 F.3d 359), and another holding that a Native American holy man (Dennis Blackhawk) was unconstitutionally burdened by a $200 license fee he was charged for keeping a bear that he used in religious rituals (Blackhawk v. PA, 381 F.3d 202).  Both decisions mandated an exemption from the laws in question under the Free Exercise Clause, notwithstanding the Supreme Court's ruling in Employment Division v. Smith that such exemptions are not required when the law is "neutral and generally applicable."

Bazelon thinks that these opinions don't reveal much about Alito's commitment to free exercise:

Alito simply followed the Supreme Court, which has said (even in Smith) that the state doesn't get a free pass when it offers an exemption to a law to people who ask for special treatment based on a secular rationale but denies the same exemption to other people who ask for special treatment for a religious reason. Pennsylvania exempted circuses and zoos, among others, from paying licensing fees for their wild animals. Newark let police officers keep their beards if they asked to because of a medical condition. So, why couldn't Dennis Blackhawk keep his bear and the Muslim cops keep their beards? Pennsylvania and Newark lost because they didn't have a good enough answer. Alito didn't stick his neck out to promote religious liberty by finding in favor of Blackhawk and the Muslims, argues Cardozo law professor Marci A. Hamilton, author of the recent book God vs. the Gavel. In light of Supreme Court precedent, he didn't have to.

It's true that in basing a religious-liberty exemption in these cases on the presence of secular exceptions in the law, Alito did not challenge the Smith ruling that exemptions are not required when a law is generally applicable (as a court of appeals judge, he of course couldn't make such a challenge).  Rather, he ruled that the presence of other exemptions made the law not generally applicable and therefore triggered strict constitutional scrutiny.

But it is a real overstatement to call these two religious-liberty decisions mere "mechanistic applications of [Supreme Court] precedent."  The Alito decisions hold that one comparable exemption for secular interests is enough to render a law not generally applicable, and therefore to require an exemption for religious-liberty interests unless there is a compelling reason to deny it.  This is not the only reading of the Smith "general applicability" rule that is out there.  For example, another prominent conservative judge, Diarmuid O'Scannlain of the Ninth Circuit, wrote in a 1999 case (Thomas v. Anchorage, 165 F.3d 692) that a law does not trigger strict review under the Smith approach unless it has a lot of exceptions, that is, unless its "underinclusiveness" -- the amount of secular conduct it leaves unregulated -- is very "substantial":

Underinclusiveness is not in and of itself a talisman of constitutional infirmity; rather, it is significant only insofar as it indicates something more sinister.  In [the key previous case,] the [Supreme] Court considered considered the ordinances' lack of neutrality and generally applicability as a proxy of the [l]awmakers' illicit intention to single out the [particular] religion for unfavorable treatment. 

The O'Scannlain decision says that when a law has "only a single exception," it is still generally applicable and the "permissive Smith standard" still applies.  There must be so many exceptions that they show an intent to "single out" or "target" religion.

There is a big difference between the Alito and O'Scannlain approaches.  Many laws have one or a few exceptions but not so many that they go to the point of "singling out" religious conduct.  Thus the Alito approach would protect free exercise in many more cases, often involving minority religions such as the Muslims and Native Americans in the cases in which Alito sat.  The approach has already been used in other cases, in Alito's circuit and elsewhere, to protect Native Americans and Orthodox Jews.

I think that the Alito approach is the better reading of the Free Exercise Clause and the purposes underlying it:  when the state exempts secular interest but not comparable religious ones, it sends a message that religious freedom is less important, a message inconsistent with its status as a constitutional right.  Alito's approach, requiring exemptions in such cases, salvages a good deal of protection for free exercise even in the face of the Smith decision.  But even though I'm a strong proponent of this approach, I cannot claim that it is a mere "mechanistic application" of Smith.  Rather, Alito's approach shows that, in an instance where (even as a lower court judge) he could have opted for minimal free-exercise rights or significant rights, he chose the latter.  More than any other judge in the country, he is responsible for this approach finding its way into the law.  It says a good deal about his attitude toward free exercise.

I must say, though, that I'm happy to have Marci Hamilton -- probably the nation's leading opponent of broad protection for free exercise of religion -- on record as saying that the Alito protective approach is essentially compelled by Smith!

Tom

Catholic Legal Theory, in a Nutshell

The ZENIT news organization reports that, during a recent visit to the Pontifical Academies of Sciences and of Social Sciences, Pope Benedict XVI said that (in ZENIT's words) an "aim of Christianity is to put the person at the center of the social order[.]"  Quoting the Pope:

"According to God's design, persons cannot be separated from the physical, psychological or spiritual dimensions of human nature," the Pope said in his address today . . ..

The Holy Father focused on a theme on which the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences is reflecting, "The Concept of the Person in the Social Sciences."

"Even though cultures change over time, to suppress or ignore the nature that they claim to 'cultivate' can have serious consequences," Benedict XVI said. "The concept of person continues to bring about a profound understanding of the unique character and social dimension of every human being.

"This is especially true in legal and social institutions, where the notion of 'person' is fundamental. Sometimes, however, even when this is recognized in international declarations and legal statutes, certain cultures, especially when not deeply touched by the Gospel, remain strongly influenced by group-centered ideologies or by an individualistic and secularist view of society."

The Holy Father continued: "The social doctrine of the Catholic Church, which places the human person at the heart and source of social order, can offer much to the contemporary consideration of social themes."