Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Saturday, April 11, 2009

Helen Alvare on Obama, Notre Dame, and bad arguments

Here.  A taste:

I am not criticizing Notre Dame . . . simply for failing to comprehend the enormity of the threat President Obama poses to respect for vulnerable human life. . . .  I am . . . writing to caution those who, speaking as Catholics, would deploy irrational and condescending arguments in the public square on any issue. For the stature of Catholics in the public square is fragile at best, despite the brilliance of our best-known public intellectuals such as Professor Robbie George of Princeton or Mary Ann Glendon of Harvard. Our stances on sexual morality, on respect for life, and on marriage, are increasingly out of favor with elites. The effects of the sex-abuse crisis in the Church linger.  Our enormous contributions in the health care, charitable and educational arenas are underreported. If we are to continue to be welcomed at the table where public policies are debated and crafted, we cannot appear to have "descended" below our usual "brand" of argumentation. Reason and truth make up this brand.

Easter and the Right to Life

This is by Bishop Jenky, C.S.C. (Peoria):

The most fundamental of all human rights is the right to life. All other imperatives of justice and mercy are derivative of the great truth that human beings are made in the image and likeness of God and that all human life is sacred from the moment of conception until natural death. Any cooperation with the grave sin of abortion is intrinsically evil and would certainly imperil one’s eternal salvation.

 

Although the clear majority of Americans oppose “abortion on demand” and especially the horrific act of murdering a child in the very process of being born, there is renewed effort today at the very highest levels of government to more widely enable and more generously fund the abortion of innocent human life in America and throughout the world. A dehumanized utilitarianism is now promoted as the only standard of scientific research. There are also serious legislative proposals to remove the rights of conscience for Catholic medical personnel and even to require Roman Catholic hospitals to perform abortions.

 

I am certain that the priests, deacons, religious and faithful of our Diocese are determined to vigorously oppose these efforts, even to the point of civil disobedience if that should ever become necessary. For practicing Catholics, loyalty to Jesus Christ must always supersede all other loyalties, including our ties to political parties, elected officials, schools, other institutions and organizations, even families and friends. In this Easter season as we celebrate the Lord’s victory over death, I wish to strongly reassert our Faith’s unshakable commitment to the Gospel of Life. As an ancient hymn of the Roman Church proclaims: Christ wins! Christ reigns! Christ commands!

 

— Most Reverend Daniel R. Jenky, C.S.C., Bishop of Peoria


States Slashing Social Programs for Vulnerable

A depressing story, here.

The Narrative Concluded (Part 4)

[Previous entries here, here, and here.]

Based on the evidence presented from experts from all over this country and abroad, it is clear that sexual orientation is not a predictor of a person’s ability to parent. Sexual orientation no more leads to psychiatric disorders, alcohol and substance abuse, relationship instability, a lower life expectancy or sexual disorders than race, gender, socioeconomic class or any other demographic characteristic. Qualities indicative of good parenting include attentiveness, involvement in a child’s educational development, the ability to sooth, offer comfort, advice and a secure base for a child, the provision of resources and maintaining a warm, harmonious environment. The most important factor in ensuring a well adjusted child is the quality of parenting.

Similarly, a child in need of love, safety and stability does not first consider the sexual orientation of his parent. More importantly, sexual orientation, solely, should not interfere with a child’s right to enjoy the accoutrements of a legal family. John and James, due to no fault of their own, were removed from an environment perilous to their physical, emotional and educational well being. Their biological parents relinquished them to the State, which in turn placed them into an environment that allowed them, eventually, to heal, and now flourish.

The quality and breadth of research available, as well as the results of the studies performed about gay parenting and children of gay parents, is robust and has provided the basis for a consensus in the field. Many well renowned, regarded and respected professionals have reduced methodologically sound longitudinal and cross-sectional studies into hundreds of reports. Some of the longitudinal studies have tracked children for six, ten and fourteen years. The starting ages of the children in the longitudinal studies has varied from birth, six to ten years old and followed them throughout childhood, adolescence and into adulthood. The studies and reports are published in many well respected peer reviewed journals including the Journal of Child Development, the Journal of Family Psychology, the Journal of Child Psychology, and the Journal of Child Psychiatry. Each of the studies and hundreds of reports also withstood the rigorous peer review process and were tested statistically, rationally and methodologically by seasoned professionals prior to publication.

In addition to the volume, the body of research is broad; comparing children raised by lesbian couples to children raised by married heterosexual couples; children raised by lesbian parents from birth to children raised by heterosexual married couples from birth; children raised by single homosexuals to children raised by single heterosexuals; and children adopted by homosexual parents to those raised by homosexual biological parents, to name a few. These reports and studies find that there are no differences in the parenting of homosexuals or the adjustment of their children. These conclusions have been accepted, adopted and ratified by the American Psychological Association, the American Psychiatry Association, the American Pediatric Association, the American Academy of Pediatrics, the Child Welfare League of America and the National Association of Social Workers. As a result, based on the robust nature of the evidence available in the field, this Court is satisfied that the issue is so far beyond dispute that it would be irrational to hold otherwise; the best interests of children are not preserved by prohibiting homosexual adoption.

The Guardian Ad Litem, the adoption agency and the assessing professionals agree that Petitioner and his domestic partner’s ability to parent is excellent. The quality of parenting, the level of bonding and attachment and the thriving relationship of the children with Petitioner, Roe and Tom Junior is uncontroverted by all parties to this litigation. This Court has presided over John and James case since its inception. This Court has presided over 58 hearings in their case and has had the opportunity to observe the children, Petitioner, and the growing relationship between them. It is clear to this Court that Petitioner is an exceptional parent to John and James who have healed in his care and are now thriving. Accordingly, Petitioner, John and James should be permitted to permanently and legally share the emotional, psychological, and familial bonds of parentage. Nevertheless, based on the law of this state, only a finding that the statute is unconstitutional will permit this Court to grant the petition.

[An excerpt from the conclusions of law:]

The equal protection argument of the Petitioner has been considered by other courts. In D.H.R.S. v. Cox, 627 So. 2d 1210 (Fla. 2d DCA 1993), two gay petitioners sought to adopt a child. Per Fla. Stat. §63.042(3), the application was denied. The men filed a state action to declare the statute unconstitutional on right of privacy, substantive due process, and equal protection grounds. Relying solely on copies of various law review articles, reports, editorials, and discussions appearing in magazines and journals submitted by the parties, the trial court granted summary judgment in favor of the petitioners as to the three constitutional arguments.

On appeal, the Second District Court of Appeal overruled the trial court’s findings holding there was virtually no evidence in the record to support a constitutional attack. The Florida Supreme Court agreed that the record below lacked factual evidence to determine whether the statute could sustain an attack as to its constitutional validity on equal protection grounds34 and remanded the matter to the trial court for further fact-finding. The petitioners, however, did not pursue the case.

With regard to the evidence presented in Cox, the lack of “major scientific articles,” the credentials and expertise of the authors, the quality and objectivity of the publishing journal, and the only “glimmers of answers” provided for by the available research caused pause for the reviewing court. Id. at 1213. The court further provided, “It may be that the legislature should revisit this issue in light of the research that has taken place in the last fifteen years, but we cannot say that the limited research reflected in this record compels the judiciary to override the legislature's reasoning.” Id. at 1220 (emphasis added). The research reflected in the record in this case is far from limited and compels a different result.

Section 63.042(3) was also challenged at the federal level in Lofton v. Secretary of Dept. of Children and Family Srvcs., 358 F. 3d 804 (11th Cir. 2004). There, homosexual foster parents attacked the constitutionality of the statute on various right to privacy theories and equal protection claims.35 The Lofton court, nearly five years ago, acknowledged the question to be determined was not whether the research and experts “support” the legislative prohibition, “but whether that evidence is so well established and so far beyond dispute that it would be irrational for the Florida legislature to believe that the interest of its children are best served by not permitting homosexual adoption.” Id. at 825. At that time, the Lofton court also reasoned, "Openly homosexual households represent a very recent phenomenon, and sufficient time has not yet passed to permit any scientific study of how children raised in those households fare as adults. Scientific attempts to study homosexual parenting in general are still in their nascent stages and so far have yielded inconclusive and conflicting results. Thus, it is hardly surprising that the question of the effects of homosexual parenting on childhood development is one on which even experts of good faith reasonably disagree. Given this state of affairs, it is not irrational for the Florida legislature to credit one side of the debate over the other." Id. at 826. As to the respective equal protection arguments, the failure to present any evidence in Cox 15 years ago and the weight of the evidence presented in Lofton nearly five year ago are both cited as the grounds for the courts’ inability to find the statute unconstitutional as violative of the equal protection of the U.S. and Florida Constitutions. However, today, based on the developments in the fields of social science, psychology, human sexuality, social work and medicine, the existence of additional studies, the re-analysis and peer review of prior studies, the endorsements by the major psychological, psychiatry, child welfare and social work associations, and the now, consensus based on widely accepted results of respected studies by qualified experts, the issue of whether Fla. Stat. §63.042(3) violates the equal protection of homosexuals and children adoptable by homosexuals, is again ripe for consideration.

[The court eventually conluded:]

This Court finds Fla. Stat. §63.042(3) violates the Petitioner and the Children’s equal protection rights guaranteed by Article I, § 2 of the Florida Constitution without satisfying a rational basis.

[The court's entire opinion is here.]

[Here is a picture of the petitioner and the two brothers:]

Has the Vatican really rejected Obama's proposed ambassadors?

The Washington Times reported that the Vatican had rejected ambassadors put forward by Obama and the story was cited by one of our contributors. Apparently not so. David Gibson at dot.commonweal says:"Much of this sounded like jumping on the Obama-as-unpopular-with-Catholics bandwagon. And now John Thavis at CNS has a pretty definitive debunking:'No proposals about the new ambassador of the United States to the Holy See have reached the Vatican, and therefore it is not true that they have been rejected. The rumors circulating about this topic are not reliable,' the spokesman, Jesuit Father Federico Lombardi, told Catholic News Service April 9.The spokesman’s comments echoed off-the-record remarks by informed diplomatic and Vatican sources in Rome, who said the reports appeared to be unfounded. 'It’s possible names have been circulated inside the U.S. administration, and perhaps rejected for some reason or other, but not because of any Vatican veto.'"

Friday, April 10, 2009

The Servant of the Servants of God

John Allen on the Obama/ND Issue

John Allen's comments on ND's invitation to Obama strike me as extremely sensible.

Thursday, April 9, 2009

Iowa's Family Values

IF it weren’t for Iowa, my family may never have existed, and this gay, biracial New Yorker might never have been born.

In 1958, when my mother, who was white, and father, who was black, wanted to get married in Nebraska, it was illegal for them to wed. So they decided to go next door to Iowa, a state that was progressive enough to allow interracial marriage. My mom’s brother tried to have the Nebraska state police bar her from leaving the state so she couldn’t marry my dad, which was only the latest legal indignity she had endured. She had been arrested on my parents’ first date, accused of prostitution. (The conventional thought of the time being: Why else would a white woman be seen with a black man?)

On their wedding day, somehow, my parents made it out of Nebraska without getting arrested again, and were wed in Council Bluffs, Iowa, on March 1, 1958. This was five years before Nebraska would strike down its laws against interracial marriage, and almost a decade before the Supreme Court would outlaw miscegenation laws throughout the country in Loving v. Virginia.

When the good state of Iowa conferred the dignity of civic recognition on my parents’ relationship — a relationship some members of their own families thought was deviant and immoral, that the civil authorities of Nebraska had tried to destroy, and that even some of my mom’s college-educated friends believed would produce children striped like zebras — our family began. And by the time my father died, their interracial marriage was seen just as a marriage, and an admirable 45-year one at that.

That I almost cried last week upon reading that the Iowa Supreme Court overturned the state law banning same-sex marriage will therefore come as no surprise. I’m still struck by one thought: over the years, I’ve met so many gay émigrés who felt it was unsafe to be gay in so-called flyover country and fled for the East and West coasts. But as a gay man, I can’t marry in “liberal” New York, where I’m a resident, or in “liberal” California, where I was born, and very soon I will have that right in “conservative” Iowa.

Of course, the desire to define relational rights and responsibilities with a partner, to have access to the protection that this kind of commitment affords, is rather conservative. But it’s a conservative dream that should be offered to all Americans. Though it takes great courage for gays to marry in a handful of states now, one hopes that someday, throughout the nation, gay marriages, like my parents’ union, will just be seen as marriages.

It’s safe to say that neither the dramas of our family, nor its triumphs, could have been possible without the simultaneously radical and conservative occasion of my parents’ civil marriage in Iowa. And so when the time comes, I hope to be married at the City Hall in Council Bluffs, in the state that not only supports my civil rights now, but which supported my parents’ so many years ago.

[Steven W. Thrasher is a writer and media producer.]

[NYT op-ed, 4/8/09.]

Notre Dame as a symptom of a deeper malaise

Here's a very thoughtful commentary on the honors for Obama by a Notre Dame law student.

Studies on the Effects of Same-Sex Parentage on Children

With respect to the recent exchange of views on same-sex marriage and parenthood here, here, here and here, I agree that a through understanding of the facts should inform how the law is crafted, going forward.  The problem, however, to which Rob Vischer alludes, is that the effects of same-sex parentage on children are far from clear, a point made by MOJ friend and alumna Helen Alvare in her article The Turn Toward the Self in the Law of Marriage & Family: Same-Sex Marriage & Its Predecessors, 16 Stan. L. & Pol’y Rev. 135 (2005).  The article as a whole is well worth reading.  With respect to same-sex parenting, here’s an excerpt (from pp. 179-180, footnotes omitted):

 

 

“The most sound conclusion about gay parenting, reached not only by supporters of traditional marriage, but also by those of gay marriage, is that we do not know the ultimate effects on children of long-term rearing in gay couple households, with or without marriage, with a few possible exceptions. One set of researchers concluded that daughters raised by lesbians will likely have more sexual partners before adulthood and that males and females reared by lesbians are more likely to experiment with or consider homosexuality themselves.  As to additional effects of gay marriage on children, the research is quite incomplete.

 

 

“The most thorough reviews of existing studies on gay parenting are by Steven Nock, an eminent sociology professor at the University of Virginia (submitted as an affidavit in the Ontario, Canada, same-sex marriage case and by two University of Chicago sociologists, Robert Lerner and Althea Nagai.  Nock's study states: 'Let me begin by noting that the central question, that is, what effect does gay and lesbian marriage have on children in such unions, cannot be answered at the moment.'  He proceeds to assert that '[a]ll of the articles [about the well-being of children raised in gay households] I reviewed contained at least one fatal flaw of design or execution. Not a single one was conducted according to generally accepted standards of scientific research.'

 

  

“Similarly, Professors Lerner and Nagai have also called into serious question the relatively brief and sanguine conclusions of the courts about the research presented to them on gay parenting. Professors Lerner and Nagai reviewed forty-nine existing studies supporting the ‘no difference’ theory between heterosexual and homosexual parenting and found the following: recurring methodological flaws; failure to use testable hypotheses; lack of control methods; unrepresentative study populations; self-selected sample groups; and use of negative hypotheses (for example, the ‘no difference’ hypotheses) which are easier to prove than positive hypotheses.

  

 

“Two

University

of

Michigan

researchers sympathetic to gay marriage also published a revealing look at existing favorable studies in 2001. Professors Judith Stacey and Timothy Biblarz critiqued twenty-one studies claiming positive outcomes for gay parenting, concluding that ‘there are no studies of child development based on random, representative samples’ of same-sex households.  Occasionally, one finds a study that acknowledges its own flaws, but more often, as reported by Lerner and Nagai, the ‘no difference’ result is reported without nuance.”