Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Tuesday, April 14, 2009

Reason and Authority

I appreciate Fr. Araujo's reflection on our common vocabulary and grammer (or lack thereof).  He writes that "our division appears to be attributable to whether we accept the truth or not about particular claims advanced by the Church."  I think that one can accept the truth of the Church's claims without concluding that a court that rejects those claims has substituted will for reason.  It is possible for two reason-employing people to disagree.  Perhaps the court has rejected reason, but that conclusion needs to be defended on its own merits, not by pointing out that the court has rejected the Christian (or traditional) view of marriage.  This relates to the point about the religious basis for a ban on same-sex marriage.  The court did end up embracing a view of marriage espoused by some religious believers, but it did not do so based on the religious believers' espousal of it.  The court did so through arguments that it perceived to be reasonable.  It discounted the traditional religious view of marriage because, in the court's estimation, the exercise of reason could not justify that view.

Monday, April 13, 2009

Do we share a common vocabulary and grammar?

 

As Mirror of Justice contributors and readers may recall, I indicated prior to the Easter Triduum that I would be spending time during the quiet of Holy Saturday thinking about recent posts that reveal the division amongst our approaches to issues that most of us believe we contribute to from a Catholic perspective.

 

It is clear to me that most of our MOJ contributors do not shy away from addressing the controversial issues of the day that frequently divide our country and our world. Some may think that because we have dedicated our efforts in this project of developing perspectives on Catholic Legal Theory that we share common beliefs that are essential first principles pertaining to Catholic teaching. In fact, we do not always express unanimity but frequently disclose the same ruptures that exist within our society on the hot button issues such as abortion, marriage, etc. Surely by addressing the moral aspects of these and other sensitive issues we seem to participate in the national and international debate that separates rather than unites.

 

In part, our division appears to be attributable to whether we accept the truth or not about particular claims advanced by the Church—or as some of our friends here at MOJ sometimes argue, the institutional Church. For me, there is one Church that is Catholic and apostolic. It has local elements or churches, but there is one Church of which these local ones are constitutive elements. The matter of truth is on my mind as I reread the Passion according to St. John proclaimed on Good Friday and focus on the encounter between Jesus and Pilate and the skepticism of the latter who asks, “What is truth?” For me, the truth is what Jesus told Pilate and others and what has been continued in the Church for almost two thousand years. I believe that there are truths about us, our human nature, our human essence. As you might gather, I am not a fan of William of Ockham. However, I have come to see that for others here at MOJ, different views of the relation between essence and existence are probably held and are certainly expounded. This is an element of the evidence that, even though we contribute in a friendly and often spirited way, we do not proceed with the same vocabulary and grammar in mind, i.e., from the same first principles.

 

Recently, I was taken to task for the grammar and vocabulary I used in addressing elements of the SSM debate and the recent Varnum decision issued by the Iowa Supreme Court. I have gone back and read several times the critiques offered about my views and the positions I expressed. I regret that what I said triggered the responses that were forthcoming, but I take this opportunity to reiterate what I presented earlier about that decision. I respectfully disagree with Susan in particular. Apparently, we read the decision differently and reach contrary conclusions about its discussion regarding religion. When I reread the Varnum opinion, I continue to be troubled by the justices’ suggestion that a religious perspective on the marriage question is unconstitutional. I don’t think they see the possibility that the religious perspective can present moral views that are not only theological (and therefore may be problematic in a constitutional sense) but also based on right reason (and therefore not problematic in a constitutional sense). I think it does not occur to the judge using secular reasoning to see the incoherence of prohibiting moral reasoning (that may resonate with a religious community) with which he or she disagrees but of accepting moral reasoning (that may also resonate with another religious community) with which he or she does agree. This very thing happened in Webster (Stevens, J.) as I mentioned earlier, and it happened again in Varnum. In both cases, the judges disagreeing with certain religious views said that the state could not allow religious views to intersect official decision-making. Ironically, they did not see the fault in their own references to other “religious” views that coincided with their conclusions. It is difficult to accept the strict separation argument Justice Stevens and Justice Cady proffer when it is only some religious views (those that don’t fit with their respective conclusions) that are to be excluded while acknowledging that other religious views (those that coincide with their respective conclusions and to which they each referred) coincide with their own. If it is a religious view, then it should not be reflected in their decision, period. To put it bluntly, this is not impartial decision-making that is essential to the judicial process, it is sophistry.

 

In short, why do I take the positions that I do? I labor to rely on a grammar and vocabulary that has been in the Church for a long time. I gather that some of my other friends and MOJ contributors rely on other vocabularies and grammar more consistent with John Rawls than with John the Evangelist. Nonetheless, I was surprised by the particular rebuke concerning the will-versus-the-intellect distinction I that I presented last week when I discussed Varnum. I assumed that the vocabulary and grammar upon which I relied in presenting my thoughts on Varnum was shared by most, if not all MOJ contributors. However, I have come to realize that I was mistaken in this assumption. So, what to do to make it clear to my friends and colleagues here at MOJ with whom I occasionally disagree? I propose to be more clear about the sources of my vocabulary and grammar in the hope that it is or can be the grammar with which my MOJ fellow contributors also share. Here today, I offer some thoughts from Heinrich Rommen who has had considerable influence on my thinking when it comes to many issues that bring together legal reasoning and Catholic teachings—thoughts which are reflective of the grammar and vocabulary that I consider essential to talking about Catholic Legal Theory:

 

It has already been shown how in moral philosophy this thesis of the will as the nobler faculty led, and had to lead, through Duns Scotus to Ockham, i.e., to the most one-sided moral positivism, for the doctrine of the will as the nobler faculty is itself the root of nominalism. But nominalism, directed only to the individual, particular thisness, to the existence which is related to the will, arrives in its extreme forms at the denial of the clear and distinct knowability of the essences of things, of the essence which is related to the intellect. The universals are but vocal utterances. Reality, since in its quiddity it is not unmistakably knowable for us, is likewise not the measure of our knowledge. The order of being cannot of itself become a norm of the will; the absolute, omnipotent will of the Supreme Being can alone become that.The entire doctrine of the eternal law and natural moral law is undermined by such a view. Just as the theory of will in municipal and international law cannot admit a law beyond the positive one (or, more precisely stated, beyond the factual will as a persisting act), so Ockham, for instance, could not admit a morality that does not have its first, proximate, and sole norm in omnipotent will, in the absolute power of God. If, then, the idea of God and therewith the supreme personal will are lost to sight or rejected, nothing is left as the source of norms but the concrete will of the earthly lawmaker. Or, as in the case of Spinoza, the deep impulses of nature (here taken as contrasted with mind) are regarded as the natural norm. The biological as well as materialistic ethical systems and theories of law have here their roots.From this it follows that the doctrine of the priority of the intellect over the will in God as well as in man is a prerequisite of the possibility of a natural moral law and hence of the natural law in the narrower sense.

 

I sincerely look forward to our continuing contributions and discussions about these matters.

 

A blessed Eastertide to one and all!

 

RJA sj

Stephen Colbert (Catholic), anyone? Or Jon Stewart (Jew)?

Check this out, at dotCommonweal--not least, the comments.

Costa Rica in the News

I'm paying particular attention to Costa Rica these days because my son, a budding ecologist, will be going there on a trip.  So I was interested this weekend to see both Thomas Friedman's Times column describing the country's intense policy commitment to biodiversity and renewable energy sources -- "[m]ore than any nation I’ve ever visited, Costa Rica is insisting that economic growth and environmentalism work together" -- and the Pope's commendation of its pro-life constitution and other policy positions.  I'm not saying we should call Costa Rica a model of "pro-life progressivism" ... but it's interesting to see anti-abortion policies and strong (and pretty successful and stable) environmentalism together as majority policies, rather than held by different, clashing parties as they tend to be here.

UPDATE: Oh well ... The Pope's commendation was back in 2007.  (I let myself be misled by a collection of Zenit links organized by topic rather than current-ness.)  And there are reports that abortion incidence is rising quickly there despite the criminal laws.

Church Autonomy Cases in Europe

As we deal with questions about the scope of church autonomy over employment decisions here in America, similar questions are in play in Europe, where several cases from Germany are now before the European Court of Human Rights.  This page, from the Strasbourg Consortium, has information on the cases, which involve the dismissals of pastors, Salvation Army officers, a Catholic parish organist/choirmaster, a Protestant parish school kindergarten teacher, and a Mormon Church public-affairs official -- some of them dismissed for sexual misconduct, some for manifesting conflicting religious beliefs, some just for doing their jobs poorly.  The Strasbourg Consortium is a joint project of several law-religion-studies centers in Europe and America, and their website looks like a great overall resource for comparative religious-freedom issues.

Why it's difficult for Christians to be persuasive on SSM

I think our ongoing conversation on MoJ about same-sex marriage is helpful and fascinating, perhaps because it tends to proceed with less shrillness and venom here than it does in most other venues today.  I just want to point out two reasons why the case against SSM might be such a difficult one for Christians to make persuasively, even putting the merits of the argument to the side:

First, Christians in general have been much more outspoken about SSM than about non-SSM threats to the sanctity of marriage.  Last summer I spoke to a group of conservative evangelical Christians about SSM, and this is the image I used to convey the GLBT community's distrust of Christians on this issue:

Imagine that marriage is a house, and the Christian is sitting on the front porch.  The house is engulfed in flames.  A gay person is walking down the sidewalk, lighting a cigarette with a match.  The Christian stands up and yells, "Hey, don't throw your match near my house -- that's a fire hazard!"  Viewing the scene, the gay person can't help but conclude: "This isn't about marriage.  This is about me."

Second, over the past fifty years, very few Christians have taken leadership roles in condemning obvious injustices against the GLBT community.  Instead of letting Anita Bryant, Jerry Falwell, et al. define the "Christian" perspective on the law's treatment of homosexuality, what if more mainstream Catholics and evangelicals had been outspoken regarding job discrimination, harassment, and violence targeting gays?  It became impossible to separate bans on interracial marriage from the scandalous history of race in this country.  It is becoming very difficult to separate bans on same-sex marriage from the scandalous history of homosexuality in this country.  (Note that I'm not equating the merits of the arguments in support of such bans; I'm simply saying that the historical contexts of the bans are leading the public to embrace similar conclusions regarding their rationales.)  The Church has tried to separate the recognition of homosexuals' dignity from the marriage issue, but that's not easy.  If the public rejects the notion that homosexuality is an "instrinsic moral evil," will the embrace of SSM be far behind?  Christian history has made it too easy for observers to conclude that opposition to SSM is part of a rearguard action by Christians who are perceived to have pushed to marginalize gays and lesbians at every turn.  Under these circumstances, it's very difficult to persuade the GLBT community that the debate about marriage is about marriage, not about them.

Stanley Fish gets conscience (half-) right

Stanley Fish weighs in on the debate over the Bush Administration's conscience regulations.  As usual, Fish starts out with a valuable insight, then careens wildly beyond the bounds of reason.  Here's the helpful insight:

Were he alive, the English philosopher Thomas Hobbes would dissent [from the individualized view of conscience] for he has another understanding of conscience altogether, one that casts quite a different light on this conflict. Hobbes begins with the etymology of “conscience” — conscire, to know in concert with another — and proceeds to a definition of conscience that turns the one we know upside down. Since conscience, correctly understood, refers to those occasions “when two or more men know of one and the same fact . . . which is as much to know it together,” it is a violation of conscience — of knowing together — to prefer their “secret thoughts” to what has been publicly established.

Fish is absolutely correct: conscience is not a self-contained "black box" -- it is an inherently self-transcendent set of moral claims.  But that does not invariably mean that the exercise of conscience must lead to some "public" establishment of conscience's substance.  Fish seems to assume that the alternative to an individualized conscience is a state-established conscience, and it leads him to this rather sinister rationale for condemning the Bush regulations:

This sequestering of religion in a private space is a cornerstone of enlightenment liberalism which only works as a political system if everyone agrees to comport himself or herself as a citizen and not as a sectarian, at least for the purposes of public transactions.

Conscience as "two or more people knowing?"  Yes!  Conscience as "state-imposed moral claims pushing religion out of the public square?"  Not so much.  For an alternative take, you can read this paper (or if I only get one chance to persuade you of my thesis, then please wait for the book coming this fall).

Saturday, April 11, 2009

From the USCCB, on HHS and conscience

Here.

A new archbishop for Westminster

Story here.  I don't know much about him, but I liked this:

He has strongly defended Catholic schools in the face of growing hostility from Britain's teaching unions and accusations that they lead to segregation. In 2006 he helped to force the Government to back down over plans to impose quotas of non-Catholic pupils on Catholic schools.

Last year he criticised 'misleading' reports in the media that Catholic schools were failing to adhere to new admissions codes set by the Government.

He has been vocal in opposing the Government's Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill, which was passed into law last year.

Realizing the Promise . . .

. . . of Religious Mission in Legal Education.  A conference (more here) at Catholic University, at which MOJ-ers Brennan, Uelmen, and some other guy will speak.