Eduardo Peñalver, like fellow MOJ-blogger Mark Sargent, is now blogging at dotCommonweal. For Eduardo's first post there, commenting critically on the
New U.S. Bishops' Document on Homosexuality
click here.
Wednesday, November 15, 2006
Eduardo Peñalver, like fellow MOJ-blogger Mark Sargent, is now blogging at dotCommonweal. For Eduardo's first post there, commenting critically on the
click here.
As I have mentioned many times on this blog, I am troubled by the frequency with which efforts by religious institutions and associations to hire employees, or select members, in a way that is consistent with their religious identity and mission are characterized as "discrimination." This news story (thanks to Amy Welborn) describes how the same kind of aggressive homogenization of religious associations is proceeding in the U.K., and bringing together Anglicans and Catholics.
Here is a joint statement, put out by the Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. Rowan Williams, and the Archbishop of Westminster, Cardinal Cormac Murphy-O'Conner, about efforts at British Universities to ban "Christian unions," on anti-discrimination grounds.
Here is more, from The Times:
Seventy Church of Engand and Roman Catholic bishops were urged today to intervene to help thousands of Christian students at British universities from having the organisations representing them banned.
Among those asked to take action to save Christian Union societies were the Archbishops of Canterbury and Westminster.The rise of secularism in the UK is among the issues being debated today and tomorrow at the first ever joint meeting of the Anglican and Roman Catholic bishops of England and Wales in Leeds.
Dr Rowan Williams and Cardinal Cormac Murphy-O'Connor were to issue a joint statement later today on the importance of working together and how to surmount the differences that remain between the two churches.
The 40 Anglican and 30 Catholic bishops began their unprecedented two-day meeting at Hinsley Hall at lunchtime. The bishops prayed and worshipped together and discussed how to heal the historic rift between them.
But Christian Union leaders urged them to move away from the usual "bland platitudes" associated with ecumenical gatherings to help the beleaguered Christian student societies under threat of bans.
Some heavy thoughts about Rome, Europe, religion, and collapse, by Niall Ferguson (thanks to Rod Dreher).
The "Quiverfull" movement is a rapidly expanding group of mostly Protestant families dedicated to the belief that God is the only legitimate family planner (so even natural family planning is prohibited). Newsweek profiles the movement, suggesting that broader Catholic-Evangelical cooperation on social issues such as abortion and gay marriage has resulted in many conservative evangelicals second-guessing their previous embrace of contraception. Folks at The Nation, not surprisingly, are not fans of the movement. Here's a quote from one of the Quiverfull faithful:
[She] argues that feminism is a religion in its own right, one that is inherently incompatible with Christianity. "Christians have accepted feminists' 'moderate' demands for family planning and careers while rejecting the 'radical' side of feminism--meaning lesbianism and abortion," writes Pride. "What most do not see is that one demand leads to the other. Feminism is a totally self-consistent system aimed at rejecting God's role for women. Those who adopt any part of its lifestyle can't help picking up its philosophy." "Family planning," Pride argues, "is the mother of abortion. A generation had to be indoctrinated in the ideal of planning children around personal convenience before abortion could be popular."
It's clear that the Quiverfull mothers have picked up on the Church's teaching regarding the dangers of contraception; perhaps we could send them some encyclicals so they get the rest of the story?
Rob
Our own Steve Bainbridge has been named the William D. Warren Professor of Law -- an endowed-chair position. Congratulations!
Washington University law prof Laura Rosenbury has posted a working draft of her paper, "Friends With Benefits?" (HT: PrawfsBlawg) I have not yet read the paper, but she appears to be tackling a frequently overlooked bastion of nefarious discrimination: our legal system's willingness to privilege marriage over friendship. Here's an excerpt from the introduction:
This Article [argues] that family law’s focus on marriage and marriage-like relationships, whether they be opposite-sex or same-sex, serves to perpetuate gender inequality. This existing focus implicitly privileges domesticated sexual relationships over other adult intimate relationships, namely friendships. Legal recognition and support is therefore provided to certain types of caregiving relationships but not others. Although such privileging may be obvious, because marriage is placed within the purview of family law and friendship is placed without, family law scholars have not examined the effects of family law’s recognition and support of marriage and marriage-like relationships and its silence about friendship.
This Article examines those effects, concluding that family law’s silence about friendship likely impedes the achievement of full gender equality in two related ways. First, the silence maintains a divide between marriage and “mere” friendship, implying that friendship is sufficiently different from marriage and marriage-like relationships to be properly outside of family law’s concern. It is unclear whether this view conforms to people’s lived experiences, although the very fact of legal recognition is a salient difference between friendship and marriage. Lived experience can thus be shaped by family law’s focus on marriage and silence about friendship. Second, this divide is not gender neutral, but rather amounts to state support of the types of domestic caretaking that traditionally played a vital role in maintaining state-supported patriarchy and that still largely follow gendered patterns today. Therefore, family law’s focus on marriage to the exclusion of other forms of friendship can perpetuate gendered patterns of care by encouraging people to prioritize sexual, domestic relationships over other relationships.
I have to admit that my confidence in our ability to extend legal recognition to committed same-sex couples without abandoning the legal significance of family is consistently undermined when I read modern family law scholarship.
Rob
Tuesday, November 14, 2006
A number of MOJ postings over the last few days regarding education and Catholic identity; politics and Catholics in public life; and the core of personal identity have helped me adjust my thinking cap. What brings this post to fruition was an experience I had in class today in my course entitled “Christian Ethics and the International Order.” Of late, my students have been examining Pacem in Terris and Paul VI’s October, 1965 address to the General Assembly of the United Nations in the context of the objectives of that organization as viewed through the lens of Catholicism. The reference to the Cuban missile crisis made by John XXIII in Pacem in Terris intrigued the students. I realized that none of them were alive when the showdown between the US and the USSR occurred and this became quite evident as the discussion continued. I not only had to deal with the difficulties of expressing myself in a foreign language, but I also had to address an experience through which I had lived to a group of young, well-educated people who had little or no experience of the Cold War. I realized that part of my task was to pass on to them the difficulties of the time and how John XXIII and Paul VI chose to tackle them.
I also realized that this is the task of any educator who wishes to remain true to the vocation of education: to pass on wisdom amassed through human history to a succeeding generation whose members would one day have the responsibility of doing the same to their succeeding generation. In the context of Catholic and Christian education, this task grows in that the amassed wisdom includes that of a particular community of faith, the Church. Cardinal Dulles explained this exceedingly well in a presentation he gave at Boston College during the past academic year [HERE]. I realized today that I was not only trying to teach something about Christian ethics and its application to the international law and the international order, I was also participating in passing on something about the faith to a diverse group of young Catholics who one day will do the same across the world.
But I realized that my task was not restricted to this responsibility alone. I was also helping to form future members of a wide and diversified group of political communities. All of these young people are Catholics, but they come from different countries. At least five of my students in this particular course are Americans. But I began to comprehend that I was preparing them and others to be not only disciples of Christ but Catholic citizens who would one day return to the US, Russia, Colombia, Mexico, Vietnam, France, Thailand, Spain, Brazil, Madagascar, Croatia, and Korea and presumably participate in the public life of their respective countries. I became more conscious of what I am passing on to them as I realized that I was not only helping to form Christian consciences but Christian consciences that would exercise a multitude of roles in some democratic and some not-so-democratic societies. Then, I came to the third part of my realization: how do they see themselves. Are they Catholics; are they citizens of particular countries; are they something else? From my perspective, I see them as the very People of God who, according to the Church and its magisterium, have a vocation to be the leaven in the world. Theirs will be the responsibility of making the Peace of Christ, the Kingdom of God more of the rule rather than the exception—for they are and will always be simultaneously citizens of two cities.
And then, I encountered my fourth insight of the day: one does not have to be teaching in Rome to acknowledge these responsibilities. One could just as easily labor most of the time in South Bend, Minneapolis, Ann Arbor, New York and environs, suburban Philadelphia, Valparaiso, Ithaca, Los Angeles, Norman, or Atlanta and also share in this vocation. And, the more we acknowledge and implement these obligations of our profession and our faith, the more shall His will rather than mine or yours be done. RJA sj
I am, to be clear, a strong supporter of liberal immigration policies. I am entirely sympathetic to those who want desperately to enter the United States. I think that the United States benefits greatly from immigration; I want more of it. I support President Bush's "path to citizenship" proposal. It is not clear to me that high-wage American manufacturing jobs have any moral priority over jobs for those living in the developing world. And so on.
That said, Cardinal Martino's statement -- to which Michael P. links here -- comparing a partial border-fence between the United States and Mexico with the Berlin Wall is, I believe, strikingly obtuse. A wall designed to keep people in a slave-state is hardly the same as a wall intended (wisely or not) to stem the flow of illegal in-migration.
This statement strikes me as a regrettable example of a Church leader moving from those crucial moral principles which must be proclaimed courageously -- e.g., solidarity with the poor, and with those in other countries -- to matters of policy concerning which Church officials enjoy no special competence. Given the givens regarding immigration in our present situation, it seems quite an overreach to say that a fence in hard-to-police areas is "inhuman" (even if, in the end, not well conceived).
"A top Vatican
official called the Bush administration’s plans for hundreds of miles
of new security fences on the United States-Mexico border 'inhuman.'"
Click here to read.
By all rights and measures, Minnesota ought to be a perfect test case of whether it remains possible in this day and age to be a Democrat and also be pro-life in a meaningful and concrete way. After all, Minnesota (like Pennsylvania) is one of those few northern states in which a stalwart pro-life contingent has survived within the Democratic caucus (or what Minnesotans call the DFL or “Democratic-Farmer-Labor” Party). And, in Minnesota (as in so many other states), Democratic gains in last week’s election, including taking control of the state house of representatives (and increasing a majority in the state senate), came largely in more conservative/moderate suburban districts and often involved Democratic candidates who described themselves as pro-life. As one Democratic pollster described it, the new DFL faces in the legislature tend to be people who “ran away” from the official DFL platform.
So, if Minnesota is the harbinger of the future, how are things looking so far in terms of prospects for a pro-life revival within the Democratic Party?
Well, just one day after the election, the assistant leader of Democrats in the state senate, Senator Ann Rest, pronounced: “We have a pro-choice Senate now.” Then, in a clear dismissal of human life issues as being worthy of any attention in the legislature, Senator Rest asserted that “[n]ow we can concentrate on the issues that bring us together, not the ones that divide us.”
Then, just two days after the election, the DFL in both houses of the Minnesota legislature proceeded to disregard the new blood in the party from the suburbs and rural areas and elect as their new leaders two of the most liberal (and stridently pro-choice) politicians in the state, both from the DFL stronghold of Minneapolis. As Doug Grow of the Minneapolis Star-Tribune, a left-of-center columnist, described the new leaders: “These two live blocks apart in Minneapolis. In much of Minnesota, including metro suburbs, they represent two of the scariest words in politics: ‘Urban liberals.’”
Anyone concerned about the sanctity of human life should be praying that these are not the signs of what is to come and that pro-life Democrats in Minnesota will respond with some vigor to these early dismissals. But, for now, it appears that a Pro-Life DFL-er remains the Rodney Dangerfield of Minnesota politics, that is, he or she “just can’t get no respect.”
And, in the meantime, it appears that the only thing that may hold back the new DFL-majority legislature from eroding even those limited protections for unborn life allowed to states by our judicial overseers is Republican Governor Tim Pawlenty.
To be (hopefully) continued (and perhaps my friends who count themselves among the pro-life Democrats here and elsewhere will have more propitious news) . . .
Greg Sisk