Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Wednesday, September 19, 2007

The CDF on food and hydration

Here is a link to the English translation of the CDF's recent response to questions from the USCCB on food and hydration for patients in a persistent vegetative state.  The response states, among other things, that even when the vegetative state is persistent, "the provision of water and food, even by artificial means, always represents a natural means for preserving life, and is not a therapeutic treatment" (emphases original).

Here are some initial thoughts, by Paul Lauritzen, at Commonweal.  Here are comments from the National Catholic Bioethics Center.  Here is the USCCB's statement, commenting on the response.

Tuesday, September 18, 2007

Religious Exemptions?

This looks to be of interest:  Martha Minow (Harvard Law), Should Religious Groups Be Exempt from Civil Rights Laws?

Here's the abstract:

Should a private religious university lose its tax exempt status if it bans interracial dating? Should a religious school be able fire a pregnant married teacher because her continued work would violate the church's view that mothers of young children should not work outside the home? Should a religious social service agency, such as Catholic Charities, be exempt from a state regulation banning discrimination in the delivery of social services on the basis of sexual orientation? Should religious organizations be exempt from civil rights laws? This article argues that these questions raised difficult normative issues that have been answered practically by reference to the varying effects of historical social movements, producing the differential treatment of race, gender, and sexual orientation laws. The article explores avenues for negotiating solutions other than full exemptions or no exemptions. Besides the instrumental goal of solving - or avoiding - complex political and legal problems, this question of stance injects the dimensions of virtue ethics and value-added negotiation. In so doing the article proposes ways to pursue productive stances toward clashes over religious exemption claims is highly relevant to sustaining and replenishing both American pluralism and constitutional protections for minority groups.

And the link.

Revisiting Eduardo's Paper

I had occasion this week to re-read Eduardo's paper, which, IMHO, is terrific.  I commend it to MOJ-readers.

Eduardo M. Penalver, Is Public Reason Counterproductive?

Here's the abstract:

The debate over the proper role of religion in public life has raged on for decades and shows little signs of slowing down. Proponents of restrictive accounts of public reason have proceeded under the assumption that religious and deep moral disagreement constitutes a threat to social stability that must be tamed. In contrast to this "scary story" linking pluralism with the threat of instability, there exists within political theory a competing, "happy story" according to which pluralism affirmatively contributes to stability by creating incentives for groups to moderate their demands. Whether the scary story or happy story is a more accurate reflection of our reality is a difficult empirical question, but one that ought to matter a great deal to discussions of public reason. Acting as if the scary story were true when the happy story is in fact operating will lead proponents of public reason to stifle the healthful effects of robust pluralism, degrading the quality of public deliberation and ultimately undermining stability. In other words, if the happy story turns out to be the right one, restrictive accounts of public reason may turn out to be counterproductive, hastening the very deliberative and social harms they aim to forestall.

And here's the link.

Maritain on truth and tolerance

This from Jacques Maritain's Reflections on America (link):

One happens sometimes to meet people who think that a primary condition of tolerance and peaceful co-existence is not to believe in any truth or not to adhere firmly to any assertion as unshakeably true in itself. May I say that these people are, in fact, the most intolerant people, for if perchance they were to believe in something as unshakeably true, they would feel compelled by the same stroke to impose by force and coercion their own belief on their fellow men. The only remedy they have found for their abiding tendency to fanaticism is to cut themselves off from truth. As a result, they insist that whoever knows or claims to know truth or justice simply cannot be a good citizen "because he cannot and is not expected to admit the possibility of a view different from his own, the true view."

Well, if it were true that whoever knows or claims to know truth or justice cannot admit the possibility of a view different from his own, and is bound to impose his true view on other people by violence, the rational animal would be the most dangerous of beasts. In reality, it is through rational means, that is, through persuasion, not coercion, that man is bound by his very nature to try to induce others to share in what he knows or claims to know as true and just. Be it a question of science, metaphysics, or religion, the man who says "What is truth?", as Pilate did, is not a tolerant man, but a betrayer of the human race. There is, in other words, real and genuine tolerance only when a man is firmly and absolutely convinced of a truth, or of what he holds to be a truth, and when, at the same time, he recognizes the right of those who deny this truth to exist, and to contradict him, and to speak their own mind, not because they are free from truth but because they seek truth in their own way, and because he respects in them human nature and human dignity, and those very resources and living springs of the intellect and of conscience which make them potentially capable of attaining the truth he loves, if some day they happen to see it.

The views I have just criticized about the "what is truth?" supposedly required by mutual toleration are not specifically American -- it was Kelsen who made a system of them. Moreover, when you hear, them expressed -- not infrequently, I would say -- in this country, they are much more an easy-going way of speaking than an expression of serious views to be put into practice. In actual fact what people think is rather that a kind of humility always keeps pace with the spirit of tolerance. And this is perfectly true.

I don't believe, nevertheless, that it is without utility explicitly to realize that doubt and intellectual timidity are not a prerequisite for mutual toleration; and that it is truth, not ignorance, which makes us humble, and gives us the sense of what remains unknown in our very knowledge. In one sense there is wisdom in appealing to our ignorance, if we mean the ignorance of those who know, not the ignorance of those who are in the dark.

For more on the matter, there's always the Pope.

"In Search of the Common Good"

Over at the Marty Center's Religion and Culture web forum, I am some others have posted some thoughts in response to Lew Daly's essay, "In Search of the Common Good:  The Catholic Roots of American Liberalism."  Here's the link to the thread.  (I think that my fellow MOJ bloggers would really enjoy -- and enjoy posting about! -- Daly's essay.)

UPDATE:  A reader passes on this link, to the wonderful "Whispers in the Loggia" blog, where you can read a long excerpt from Archbishop Wuerl's Labor Day homily, which is heavy on CST.

Conaway v. Deane

Today Maryland's high court rejected a state constitutional claim for same-sex marriage.  Dale Carpenter comments:

The Maryland court rejected the argument that the ban on gay marriages is a form of sex discrimination, though it called that argument "beguiling." It rejected the argument that sexual orientation discrimination should be subjected to heightened scrutiny, citing gays' legislative success in the state as evidence the group is not "politically powerless" and thus needs no unusual judicial protection from the majority. It added that there is not yet a sufficient scientific consensus on whether sexual orientation is "immutable." The court also decided that there is no fundamental right to marry another person of the same sex. These conclusions all follow the majority trends in the state courts so far.

Finally, the court concluded that the limitation of marriage to opposite-sex couples is rational because it furthers (however imperfectly) the state's legitimate interest in encouraging procreation. If the correct level of scrutiny is the traditional rational-basis test, this conclusion is hard to dispute.

. . . . When you consider that SSM legal advocates have carefully chosen the most sympathetic venues since Goodridge, this record of losses is especially significant. It means that strong anti-SSM precedents are being created in the friendliest states, making pro-SSM rulings in other states even more unlikely in the near future. Once California is decided, the initial phase of post-Goodridge litigation will have pretty much run its course. That was the phase that was supposed to start an avalanche of pro-SSM judicial rulings that would quickly lead to gay marriage around the country. It didn't happen. Other cases are pending in states like Iowa, and there's nothing to stop gay couples from filing anywhere else, but the odds are now longer. If SSM is to advance much in the near future, it will probably have to come legislatively.

Redeeming Law: Christian Calling and the Legal Profession

I recently received my copy of Michael Schutt's new book, "Redeeming Law:  Christian Calling and the Legal Profession" (IVP 2007).  The book's back cover has this from Rob Vischer:  "With this book, Michael Schutt has helped fill a void by providing a resource that is theologically deep and practically relevant.  Whether you're a beginning law student or a senior partner at a firm, this book is a must-read if you're serious about reflecting on what it means to be a Christian lawyer."

Another Disturbing Story

Catholic News Agency reports that 16 of the 25 Catholic Senators voted to fund abortion overseas. "One of the 16 was Sen. Bob Casey, Jr. (D-PA), who defeated Sen. Rick Santorum as a pro-life candidate. 'It's doubtful whether Casey, son of the legendary pro-life Pennsylvania governor Bob Casey, will ever be able to convince voters of his pro-life label again,' writes Deal Hudson in his Sept. 17 edition of The Window."  The full story is here.

Monday, September 17, 2007

Children's Beliefs and Family Law

Notre Dame law prof Margaret Brinig has posted her new paper, Children's Beliefs and Family Law.  Here's the abstract:

In a recent series of opinions authored by Justice Stevens, the Court has recognized that children may have independent religious rights, and that these may be in conflict with their parents'. The questions for this piece are whether considering children's rights independently is a good thing whether it is warranted by children's actual religious preferences and whether children's religious activities actually do anything measurable for the children.

I do not advocate that the Supreme Court become more involved with family law than it has been since the substantive due process days of Meyer and Pierce. I am also not one to “abandon children to their rights” or otherwise suggest that children should fend for themselves without their parents' help. For me, a childhood without the nurturing environment of loving parents (or at least one parent) is dismal. However, I am encouraged that the Court seems to recognize that in families with children, the children's interests do need to be considered, and will not always mirror their parents'. Children's religious attendance does seem to make measurable differences to their well-being.

"ideology" in faculty hiring

The Chemerinsky debacle has generated some throughtful blogging on the proper role of (I'll call them) firmly held commitments in faculty hiring ("ideology" is too pejorative).  On Ilya Somin's principles (as posted  by Volokh, see below), it would be acceptable for a self-describing Catholic law school *openly* to favor Catholics for faculty positions, but wrong for the same law school to discriminate against, say, Democrats for faculty positions. 

If, say, the Catholic religion taught (as it does NOT) that non-Catholics are necessarily going to hell, there might be reason to worry whether Catholic faculty members could treat non-Catholic students fairly.  But, whatever the religion's teaching, the cognizable issue is indeed whether the potential faculty member is likely to discriminate against students who do not profess that religion.  The presumption should be in favor of religious adherents' opportunity to be non-discriminatory in the exercise of the professional duties.

Somin at Volokh:

When Is it Permissible for Universities to Refuse to Hire Professors Based on their Political Views?

The Chemerinsky saga raises a broader question: Is it ever permissible for a university to refuse to hire an academic because of his political views? For reasons that Eugene Volokh elaborates here, schools should be much more hesitant to reject professors on political grounds than high-ranking administrators such as law school deans. I am tempted to say that taking ideology into account in faculty hiring is never defensible. However, there are three situations where it probably is:

I. Institutional Commitments to a Religion or Ideology.

Some schools are explicitly committed to promoting a particular religion or (less often) political ideology. In such cases, it is permissible for the school to give preference to professors who share that commitment. For example, Brigham Young could legitimately prefer Mormon professors over non-Mormons. However, a school that follows this approach should openly announce its commitments and what they entail in terms of faculty hiring. It would be wrong to mislead prospective students and faculty members by secretly pursuing an ideological or religious agenda behind a veneer of supposed neutrality. To my knowledge, most religious universities that give preference to co-religionists in faculty hiring are in fact open about their agenda. By contrast, some secular schools that engage in ideological discrimination are not.

II. Ideological Commitments that Conflict with Professional Competence in One's Field.

Some ideological commitments are at odds with basic professional competence in an academic's own field. For example, a school would be justified in refusing to hire a World War II historian who is a Holocaust denier. Even if his professional credentials were otherwise adequate, the Holocaust denial in and of itself calls his competence into question because the evidence against that position is so overwhelming.

However, it is essential to recognize that this applies only to views on issues that directly relate to the scholar's academic work. Many people have outlandish or poorly supported views on political issues unrelated to their areas of expertise. Views on these unrelated issues should not be held against them in the academic hiring process. For example, Noam Chomsky, in my opinion, has crackpot views on various political issues, such as denying the existence of Pol Pot's mass murders in Cambodia (whose reality is almost as well established as that of the Holocaust). However, his poor judgment on these issues is irrelevant to his academic work as a linguist, in which field he is a leading authority.

Even within job candidates' own fields, there is a danger that hiring committees will tend to define as professionally incompetent any view that diverges too much from their own. That risk is difficult to eliminate entirely, as most people understandably have greater tolerance for views similar to their own than for those that are very different. There is no way to completely cure this bias. All we can do is to try to be vigilant about it, and also to ensure that a wide range of ideologies are represented on faculties. Ideological diversity reduces the danger of political bias in hiring, because it is hard to claim that a job candidate's views are beyond the pale of serious scholarship if some of your current colleagues share them.

III. Ideologies that Prevent Adherents from Treating Students Fairly.

In very rare cases, a job applicant's political ideology might cast serious doubt on his or her ability to treat students fairly. For example, a university could understandably refuse to hire a virulently racist professor for a position where he would be responsible for teaching large numbers of African-American students. After the fact sanctions for discriminatory behavior by the professor may not be sufficient to prevent discrimination, especially given the reluctance of most administrators to sanction academics for all but the most egregious in-class misconduct. Moreover, professors have a great deal of discretionary authority over students, and thus many opportunities to discriminate in ways that are hard for administrators to detect after the fact.

Like the previous one, this exception to the principle of tolerance can easily be abused. For example, political opponents could interpret any opposition to an ethnic or religious group's political agenda as hostility to the group itself. The classic example is the attempt to define all opposition to affirmative action as racist. But there are parallels to this on the right. Thus, it is important to remember that this justification only applies in cases where the job applicant has a prejudice against a group so strong that he is likely to discriminate against students who are members of the group. It is not enough that he opposes some element of the group's political agenda. In the case of religious groups, it is not enough that he opposes the group's theology (e.g. - if he is an evangelical Christian who believes that those who do not accept Christ will go to Hell).

In assessing both the second and third exceptions, faculties should err on the side of tolerance when in doubt. Otherwise, free academic inquiry could be seriously undermined. At the same time, we have to concede that there are extreme cases when schools can legitimately refuse to hire academics based on ideology.