Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Monday, June 16, 2008

"Sorry, good friend[]"

In his Chicago Tribune piece, to which Michael linked, describing glowingly his meeting with Sen. Obama, Prof. Doug Kmiec writes:

The discussion dwelt at some length on abortion. Obama said he earnestly wants to "discourage" the practice—despite the distortions of some who think if they affix the "pro-abortion—won't overturn-Roe-label" to the senator, pro-lifers like myself won't give him the time of day. Sorry, good friends, not this year.

It's no secret that, despite my longstanding affection for him, I've been, so far, unimpressed by Doug's efforts to explain how and why it is that someone who has spent decades writing and saying what he's been writing and saying -- particularly on questions of constitutional law -- has suddenly transferred his affections from Mitt Romney to Barack Obama.  This latest piece, and the passage quoted above, don't help matters much (for me).

The point that some of us have been making to Doug is *not* that it is impossible for someone who supports Roe to also have a good-faith desire to "discourage" abortion.  It is, instead, that Sen. Obama's record, and his public statements to people who, unlike Doug, very much want to hear him offer -- and *do* hear him offer -- his full-throated, unqualified support for abortion rights, do not seem to provide a basis for concluding that, in fact, he would be willing to do anything to "discourage" abortion, other than to support social-welfare initiatives which he would support in any event.  (The point here is *not* to criticize such programs -- if they work, fine [Which reminds me, has Obama endorsed 95-10 yet?].  It is to remind Doug that these programs and efforts will come packaged with a roll-back of the few pro-life legislative and executive-branch victories that have been secured during the past decade or so.) 

Abortion aside, the judges that Sen. Obama will nominate (and that the Senate will certainly confirm) will bring an understanding of constitutional law to the Court that is entirely irreconcilable with the vision that Doug has been advocating for years.  Again, it's not just about Roe.  I'd like to hear Doug's account of why it suddenly no longer matters that justices approach constitutional interpretation as he has, for many years, been saying they should approach constitutional interpretation. 

But, back to abortion:  even if it is true -- of *course* it is true -- that overturning Roe would not end abortion, and that there are ways to reduce the number of abortions that do not involve overturning Roe -- and even if we accept, as I do, that many reasonable, faithful Christians will conclude, given the givens, that their best option is to vote for Obama, the *fact* is that President Obama will sign legislation and issue executive orders that remove currently existing regulations, that undermine conscience-protections and religious-freedom protections for hospitals and health-care professionals who do not wish to participate in abortion, and that use public funds to pay for abortions and embryo-destroying research.  This is not just about Roe, and Doug knows it.  Perhaps there are "distortions" going on, but, with all due respect, they are not coming from those who report accurately Sen. Obama's publicly expressed views and record on abortion.  "Sorry, good friend[]."

Tim Russert: A Catholic in America

A really nice essay, by Jon Meacham, about Tim Russert and the Faith. Check it out.

CLT and Boumediene

A few thoughts with respect to Rob's two posts, and Michael's, on the question whether we, or CLT, really have anything useful or illuminating to say about the decision and questions presented in Boumediene.

First, it strikes me as quite unlikely that any particular separation-of-powers arrangement is required by Catholic teaching.  It seems a stretch to think that, say, Catholic teaching dictates, with any specificity, the reach of the federal courts' jurisdiction or the content of the judicial power vested in the Court by Article III.  Yes, of course, we can find support in Church teaching for human-dignity-promoting rule-of-law norms -- and a meaningfully independent judiciary would certain seem necessary for the vindication of such norms -- but I don't think the passages Rob [Correction:  Albert Brooks, who wrote in to Rob] cites put to rest concerns one might (in my view, should) have about Justice Kennedy's opinion, its premises about judicial power, and whether the majority responsibly (or constitutionally) exercised that power, in striking down portions of two acts of Congress without providing meaningful guidance to lower courts and legislators going forward. 

Next, we all agree that the Church's teachings rule out torture.   That torture is immoral, and should also be illegal, does not answer questions about, say, the sufficiency of the review-process at issue in Boumediene, or about the meaning of the Eisenstrager precedent -- a meaning which, one could reasonably think, the majority evaded, without admitting as much.

That the four dissenting Justices are -- like Justice Kennedy -- Catholic does not suggest to me (as it perhaps does to Rob '[correction:  Mr. Brooks]) that they missed or ignored their obligations as Catholics.  (Nor do I necessarily take their dissents as reflecting a conscious application of Catholicism-inspired rule-of-law values in the case at hand.)  The Faith does not tell us how far the Great Writ reached at the Founding, or how much process is required to substitute adequately for the writ, or whether, in a case like this, where the Executive and Congress are on the same page and therefore, at least since Youngstown, have enjoyed judicial deference, it is appropriate for the Court to nevertheless announce -- without, again, providing much guidance for the future -- that their joint determination is constitutionally invalid.  I am inclined to think, that the Faith neither requires nor authorizes willful judging, even in the service of, on balance, wise and humane policies.  The dissenters, on my reading, are reacting to what they perceive as willful judging; they are not dissenting from Catholic teaching.

Saturday, June 14, 2008

The death penalty for child rape

In response to Michael's questionFirst, and contra Bob Abernethy, there is next-to-no chance that the Court is going to "expand the death penalty" in the Louisiana child-rape case.  The trend in the Court's death-penalty case-law is clearly in a narrowing, not an expanding, direction.  Second, in the transcript which Michael posted, several speakers fail -- as so many do, unfortunately -- to distinguish between "retribution", properly understood, and "revenge" or "vengeance."  "Retribution" is an important -- indeed, the crucial -- purpose and justification (and limiting consideration) of punishment; "revenge" has no place in criminal justice.  That "vengeance is mine, saith the Lord" has little to do, it seems to me, with the question whether or not "retributive" punishments are justified.

The question, it seems to me, is not whether the death-penalty for child-rapists is "retribution" -- all justified punishment is "retribution" -- but whether, all things considered, it is justifiable (and if so, whether it is wise policy) to execute child-rapists.  In my view, it isn't.  That said, I do agree with those who criticize the Court's decision in Coker for failing to take seriously the harm that rape causes (re-read Justice White's opinion, and cringe), and I also have no doubt that many who rape are animated by a more blameworthy state of mind than many who commit homicide.

Tim Russert, R.I.P.

Here is a link to his commencement talk at Notre Dame, in 2002.  A good man.  God bless him.

Judith Warner is insane

Read this.  And worry.  Nutshell version:  Evangelical dads who would rather their daughters not be sexually promiscuous are kinda -- just kinda, mind you -- like dads who imprison their daughters in dungeons and rape them for decades.  Words fail.

Wednesday, June 11, 2008

A quick response to Eduardo

I am (pretty much) on the same page as Eduardo with respect to his recent post on sprawl and housing-development patterns.  Two quick (and, I think, friendly) amendments. 

First, in order to compare the cost (to the owner, putting aside externalities) of suburban v. urban housing, it is true (as Eduardo says) that we need to factor in the cost of transportation.  We also need, though, to factor in the fact that, in most of our metropolitan areas, urban public schools are lousy.  (Perhaps this would change, if many suburbanites moved back to the cities.)  The point is just that, at least in the short run, a move back to the city is likely -- not guaranteed, but likely -- to entail either financial costs (for private schools) or other opportunity costs.

Also, I think it needs to be a part of this conversation that, these days, the typical suburb-dweller is no longer (necessarily) commuting from a radial suburb to an urban job.  Suburb-to-suburb commutes are just as common, I'm told.  So, it is not the case that suburb-dwellers could simply move in, and thereby drive less. They might well be moving *away* from the job (in the suburban office park).

Monday, June 9, 2008

Kmiec on Catholics, abortion, the Court, and the election

I saw my old friend Doug Kmiec on campus at Notre Dame today, which reminded me that I needed to grumble a bit about his most recent "Catholic Online" column, in which he discusses (again) the much-discussed question, "for whom should Catholics who embrace the Church's teachings on abortion vote?"

First, the (unfortunately) obligatory preface:  Neither Doug Kmiec nor anyone else should (or, I would think, may) be denied communion merely for supporting Sen. Obama's campaign rather than Sen. McCain's.  And, it is, I take it, the case that faithful Catholics can -- and many do -- believe that, given all the givens, the right course is to support Sen. Obama (or Sen. McCain) over Sen. McCain (or Sen. Obama).  In this context, I think we have (and Doug has) the "right to be wrong".

That said, Doug's column goes off course in a few places, I think.  He writes:

Given that abortion is an intrinsic evil without justification, thinking the overturning of Roe “solves” the abortion problem, when it does not, can mislead Catholics into the erroneous conclusion that any candidate unwilling to pledge reversal of Roe is categorically unworthy of support.

Yes and no.  True, overruling Roe does not, by a long shot, "solve" the abortion problem.  It would, however, do two very important things:  (a) It would solve another, serious, problem -- namely, it would undo the major error that was Roe, thereby improving the state of our constitutional law (about which Doug cares quite a bit); and (b) it would make it possible for We the People, acting through our legislatures, to take measures that might, bit by bit, "solve" the abortion problem.  The fact that overturning Roe does not, by itself, end abortion does not change the fact that the persistence of Roe effectively removes abortion from the arena of legislative (even if only incremental) action and compromise.  Doug writes:

Senator Obama’s position accepts the existing legal regime which leaves the abortion decision with the mother as a “constitutional right.” Senator McCain's position would leave the decision with the individual states. Neither position is fully pro-life, both are pro-choice, with the former focused on the individual and the latter focused on the right of the states. Senator McCain's position is sometimes described as pro-life, but in truth, it is merely pro-federalism (states being free under the McCain position to decide to permit or disallow abortion as they see fit).

But this is not quite right.  Sen. McCain's position is not (merely) pro-"the right of the states" or pro-"federalism"; it is pro-"the right of the People" to try to promote the common good through law.  Sen. McCain, unlike Sen. Obama, also supports a wide range of federal policies that regulate abortion and protect the consciences of pro-life citizens.  Doug continues:

Independent of my Catholic faith, as a constitutional law teacher, I respectfully disagree with both Senator Obama and Senator McCain since the Constitution was intended as a means to enforce and guarantee the unalienable right to life recited in the Declaration of Independence, where of course it is explicitly traced to our Creator. Since neither candidate presents a position fully compatible with Catholic teaching recognizing abortion for the intrinsic evil that it is, Catholic teaching asks us to work for the reduction of the incidence of abortion through the most prudent way possible.

I am also a constitutional-teacher and, independent of my Catholic faith, I think that the Constitution probably does not, in fact, require governments to outlaw or regulate abortion.  In any event, it *is* compatible, it seems to me, with Catholic teaching to have the view (as McCain does) that the Constitution permits (but does not require) We the People to legislate in accord with Catholic teaching, by regulating abortion (and banning capital punishment, and welcoming immigrants, etc., etc.).  And, even if one thought that McCain's view was not "fully compatible" with Catholic teaching, it is not clear why one should regard him as, in effect, in a "tie" with his rival, whose views on *this* question seem quite *in*-compatible with Catholic teaching.  Doug then says:

There is no single answer on the most effective manner to reduce abortion either. My experience, and that of others whom I greatly respect for their tireless efforts in parish work and with Project Rachel and Catholic pregnancy centers, suggest that Senator Obama’s emphasis on personal responsibility (conveying especially to young people the need to understand the maturity and commitment needed for sexual intimacy) is the course most likely to make a difference.

This statement surprises and disappoints.  One gets used to pro-abortion-rights advocates tossing around the charge that pro-lifers are single-mindedly focused on legal prohibitions (or only on the welfare of unborn children) rather than on in-the-trenches outreach to the needy and vulnerable but, as Doug knows full well, this is an unfair caricature.  *Of course* those of us who oppose abortion should engage in these "tireless efforts" and emphasize "personal responsibility".  It hardly follows that we shouldn't care about fixing (or, at least improving) the law, or should be indifferent to the prospect that, under President Obama and Speaker Pelosi, the laws of the Nation will almost certainly move dramatically in a pro-abortion-rights direction.  Finally, Doug writes:

it is my own conclusion that Senator Obama would be more open to these considerations since he is more dedicated toward reducing the partisanship of the past, has very responsibly and very consistently called upon our better natures, and has articulated -- long before he sought the presidency -- a genuine appreciation for the importance of faith in the public square.

Here, I suppose there's not much to say.  I do not believe the *evidence* supports the conclusion either that Sen. Obama is less "partisan[]" than Sen. McCain or that Sen. Obama appreciates more than does Sen. McCain "the importance of faith in the public square."  (I have, I realize, publicly endorsed McCain, and so might be suspect here, but it seems worth recalling the serious political risks that McCain has taken by *not* being "partisan" on many issues.)  To say this is not to say that Sen. Obama is a bad person or deny that there is something exhilarating about a youthful, African-American major-party candidate; it is just to doubt -- his charisma notwithstanding -- that he's meaningfully different, in his plans and policies and views, than other left-liberal American politicians.

In conclusion . . . re-read the preface, above.

Friday, June 6, 2008

Kmiec on same-sex marriage

Like Rob says, Doug Kmiec's recent post at Slate is quite ambiguous with respect to his position on same-sex marriage and the law.  Certainly, in the past, he has been a staunch opponent of moves to constitutionalize a right to same-sex marriage, and a supporter of an amendment to the Constitution to prevent such constitutionalization.  Consider, for example, this back-and-forth, with Larry Tribe, on the NewsHour a few years ago.  Kmiec said (among other things):

I respectfully disagree with my friend Professor Tribe. I think he's taken a definite position that he favors gay marriage and he's therefore sees it as an expansion of right. Others of us would see it as a disregard of created reality, of in fact the fact that states have preferred marriage, have given it a position of prominence because it does some very important things. It supplies new members to our community and it supplies a household that is the most important educator for our community. In this sense it's not a denial of right; it is an affirmation of what is important.

And, as he writes in this earlier Slate post, discussing the California decision, he wrote a brief in the case contending that "marriage is properly reserved to a man and a woman." 

Doug is someone who does his best, I think, to find points of agreement, and to blunt, to the extent possible, points of disagreement.  Maybe that's what was going on in the exchange with Dale Carpenter (who is also, in my experience, an admirably charitable discussant).

Still more on pro-life speech at York

With respect to our conversation about pro-life speech, secular universities, etc., a reader sent me this:

I would like to discuss a little bit more about the context of abortion in Canadian Universities.  First off, I am a university student (Laurentian) in Ontario, majoring in political science.  I am a convert to the Catholic Church, and my main interest (as my classmates will attest) has generally been in religion and politics. 

Regarding this whole situation, I think a few things should be included.  One, York is a public university, therefore, it is provided with plenty of public funding.  This primarily comes from the province, since education is constitutionally granted to the provinces.  While we do not have the First Amendment in Canada, we do have Charter protections that do substantially protect many of the same issues surrounding the First Amendment, but they can be limited by legislature when it is deemed appropriate.  While this may seem like that this university would be held to this standard, the courts have ruled that universities are not government institutions.  I am unsure if this a positive development or not. 

Relatedly, York is (I believe) the second largest university in Canada, with the University of Toronto the first,  having approxiamtely 45 000 students.  For the student body to even consider limiting discussion goes against the spirit of the university . . . . 

However, one of the more interesting developments is the response of the Canadian Federation of Students (CFS).  CFS comprises most of the universities in Canada, with fees costing over $10 a student from each member school.  They are a union that claims to represent the interests of students, yet, there is little consultation between them, various student governments, and students.  To take one example, Ontario recently had a electoral referrendum which asked if voters wished to switch to a mixed-member proportional system.  It was defeated.  However, CFS came out in favor of it and listed Laurentian as a supporter of their position.  Consequently, the school president had to write a letter to the school newspaper stating that they were not consulted at all.  This behavior typifies the CFS and how it treats its members.