Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Friday, August 26, 2011

More analysis, and critique, of the contraception-coverage mandate's exemption

Chris Haley has a very good essay, "Creating a Catholic Ghetto," at the First Things blog, in which he focuses nicely -- in a way that complements the Alvare essay to which I linked in an earlier post -- on the marginalizing (and, therefore, socially and otherwise undesirable) effect that the mandate (with its at-present very narrow exemption) would have on Catholic institutions . . . and not only, it should be emphasized, on Catholic hospitals:

The actions of the administration are in keeping with the prevailing secularist ideology: religious beliefs, practices, and institutions are seen as essentially private matters, best kept out of public discourse and away from the public sphere. While I have focused here on the Catholic Church, this mandate would affect not only the Catholic Church, but every church, every religious community, every individual believer. It must be opposed.

And, as it happens, it is being opposed, and also by Catholics who otherwise have been supportive of President Obama's election and Administration.  As Michael Sean Winters reports, here,  a number of "prominent Catholics [including many who had supported Sebelius's nomination and many who signed a letter, a while back, criticizing Speaker Boehner for, in the signers' view, not adhering closely enogh to Catholic Social Teaching] released a letter to Health & Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius recommending that she amend the proposed rule on mandated health care coverage to provide for more expansive conscience protections for religious organizations."  The letter says, in part:

Catholic charities and Catholic hospitals do not fit the rule’s definition of religious organization. Catholic schools, colleges, and universities also might not fit the current definition. In light of the First Amendment’s protection of religious practice and of the 1964 Civil Rights Act’s forbidding of discrimination for religious belief and insistence on accommodation of religion in the workplace, we propose expanding the definition of religious organization in the final rule to extend conscience protection to religious charities, religious hospitals, and religious schools in regards to mandated health insurance coverage. . . .

Kudos to Prof. Schneck for organizing the letter, and to the signers for signing it.  I hope Sec. Sebelius listens.  I confess, though, to not being very optimistic.  She is, after all, almost certainly also receiving letters (or has received letters) and lobbying to the effect that exemptions for religious organizations and believers from generally applicable mandates -- think, for example, of non-discrimination mandates -- are inappropriate, even pernicious.  Unless one believes that religious freedom is a positive good, and not merely a concession one makes, when not too inconvenient, one is not likely to see why an otherwise good law (which the Secretary believes, I assume, the contraception-coverage mandate is) should yield to the preferences or prejudices of those who don't like it.

Alvare on religious freedom and conscience protection

In this Public Discourse essay, Helen Alvare discusses the important connection between religious freedom -- in particular, the institutional / communal dimension of that freedom -- and the debate about conscience-protection in the health-care and health-insurance contexts.  I particularly liked this paragraph:

Over the course of our history, Americans came to understand that the state’s lack of jurisdiction over questions of ultimate meaning entailed not only allowing individuals to believe privately in a transcendent reality, or to worship as they believed, or even to pray privately and perform good works. Rather, it also entailed recognizing that religion is also exercised in the form of associations that provide services to vulnerable citizens of every background in accordance with religious principles. Throughout American history, religious citizens were not only permitted, but even encouraged, to let their religious convictions to inform their work, and their contributions to public debates were understood to have important consequences for our understanding of human rights and dignity.

Check it out.

A great opportunity to defend religious freedom with the Becket Fund

Senior Legal Counsel

The Becket Fund is seeking an attorney to serve as senior legal counsel in Washington, DC. Becket Fund attorneys litigate cutting-edge cases involving religious liberty across the country and around the world. The ideal applicant will have an appellate clerkship, at least 2-6 years of top-level litigation experience, including experience in a supervisory capacity or working with minimal supervision, and a strong personal commitment to defending religious liberty for people of all faiths. Applicants should send a cover letter, CV, writing sample, and references to Marie Peralta at [email protected]

Thursday, August 25, 2011

Bill Keller tees one up for Paul Horwitz

The NYT's Bill Keller poses, here, what he characterizes as some "tougher" questions for the (Republican) presidential candidates about "their religious beliefs."  In my view, the questions (that were not partisan and snarky) actually weren't very tough, but, whatever.  And, as some of the commenters point out, Keller seems to be overlooking the fact that a number of his questions could just as well be posed to (or have been posed to) Pres. Obama.  Still, some of the questions themselves -- again, the ones that are not partisan and snarky -- are ones that Paul Horwitz has thought and written a lot about, including in, well, The NYT. 

Keller's lead ("lede"?) question is, whether it is "fair" to ask candidates about the details of their faith.  In my view, the question invites another:  Why is one asking?  Sometimes, such questions are asked because it is thought by the asker that the content of a candidate's professed religious faith actually tells her something about the candidate's character, loyalties, priorities, loves, commitments, etc., that -- it is honestly thought by the asker -- is relevant to the enterprise of the office the candidate is seeking.  (Example:  Gov. Smith, you are a Quaker.  Given your sincere beliefs about the immorality of violence, could you serve effectively as Commander in Chief?)  Who could object to such a question, assuming it was asked in good faith, and asked -- when relevant -- of both parties' candidates?

At other times, though, it seems to me that the question is asked in order to elicit what the questioner hopes will be an answer that can be presented superficially (after all, not every question about religion can be answered propositionally, or in two sentences), out of context, or in a way that will (the asker hopes?) strike those who hear the answer as just "weird."  (Example:  "Rep. Jones, you are a Mormon.  Tell us about your garments."  Or, "Rep. Johnson, you are a Lutheran.  Doesn't that mean you are anti-Catholic?")  Our shared political life could get along pretty well without these latter sorts of questions, it seems to me. 

Tuesday, August 23, 2011

Prof. Arkes responds to Prof. Baur

A few days ago, I linked to an essay by Prof. Michael Baur on natural law, positive law, and the role of judges. The essay was, among other things, a response to the recent work of Prof. Hadley Arkes, with whose work I'm sure MOJ readers are familiar.  Hadley sent to me the following, which I am happy to post (with his permission):  

          A friend alerted me that my name was taken in vain in a recent exchange in the Mirror of Justice:  My friend Rick Garnett had recommended a recent essay done by Michael Baur at Fordham in response to a lecture on natural law by another good friend, Judge Diarmuid O’Scannlain.  O’Scannlain made the curious move in that lecture of identifying me with what he called an “aggressive” style of natural law reasoning---curious because he had reviewed my book, Constitutional Illusions & Anchoring Truths:  The Touchstone of the Natural Law, and if nothing else in my writing could have diverted him from that characterization of my “work,” there should have been ample refutation of that characterization in the chapter titled “A Good  Word for the Legal Positivists.”

          It may come as a surprise to Professor Baur that the position he offers as a sensible middle way, drawing on Aquinas, is one I had long  encompassed in my own work—he might go back to my book The Philosopher in the City (Princeton, 1981), especially in the last two chapters, dealing with “Law,  Morals and the Regulation of Vice.”  But even if he had read only the most recent books, he would known that we were, as  a colleague of mine says, in “heated agreement” on the arguments he was making.  As  I’ve made the point in  the  most  recent and other books:

          --The natural law has long made a place for the necessity of the positive law.  We may understand a principle that bars us from driving at speeds that put life at hazard, but we need a regulation of the positive law to translate that principle into a measure that bears more precisely on the terrain and circumstances at hand (35 mph on a winding country road, 65 mph on the highway).

          --It  is a deep principle of the natural law that positive laws made in a lawful way should be obeyed, even when  they are bad laws—until those laws can be changed in a lawful way.   If there is something right in principle about government by consent, we  should be obliged to respect the laws enacted by the legislators authorized to act until they can  be changed through lawful means.

          --There must be room for statesmen to make accommodations with an evil for the sake of compressing that evil.  As Aquinas taught, we cannot obliterate all evil among human beings;  the best we can do is compress evils to certain tolerable limits.  Hence the accommodations with slavery made by the American Founders—accommodations, as Lincoln said, that were done with the hope of putting  slavery “in  the course of ultimate extinction.”

          Professor Baur, sensible as he is, sounds rather  like those intrepid explorers described by Chesterton:  After a while at sea, they spot land,  and discover that they’ve landed at … Brighton.    Professor Baur offers an inspired middle way only to discover that he has landed at the spot that I’ve occupied, marked off, explained for many years.

          It is curious also that Baur cites only one line of mine to illustrate what he calls that “aggressive” style of natural law: 

 [T]he task of judgment, in our constitutional law, persistently moves us away from the text, or from a gross description of the act [being judged], and it moves us to the commonsense understanding of the principles that guide these judgments: the principles that help us in making those distinctions between the things that are justified or unjustified. 

          The fire department blocks me from walking down the street to my apartment because it’s fighting a fire there.  My liberty has been impeded, but my rights have not been impaired or denied, for that liberty was restricted with evident “justification.”  The Constitution bars “unreasonable” searches and seizures.  At every turn we are faced with the question of whether the law is restricting our freedom,  taking our property or even our lives, with or without justification. Our judgments will turn on those principles we use to the measure the  presence of an adequate justification; principles that lie outside the text.  Surely it could not have passed Prof. Baur’s recognition that what he describes here as an “aggressive” use of natural law is indeed the work of the law, and moral judgment, every day,  not only by lawyers but by ordinary folk, not burdened with law degrees. 

          And yet, the heart of the argument with Judge O’Scannlain is not altered in  the least, but simply replicated by Prof. Baur.  For what is this sensible “third way” that Rick Garnett finds in Baur’s addition to O’Scannlain?  One way or another it involves an account of how judges  might be authorized to invoke understandings of the natural law, whether or not they are valid, because the natural law is given some grounding in the positive law, and the distinct circumstances, in the polity in which we are living.  Something of that kind?  The authorization involves the articulation of this understanding, formed into a kind of rule to explain why a judge may be justified in invoking notions of natural law.   Now, is it worth pointing out to Prof Baur that this construction he is offering is nowhere contained in the Constitution or the positive law?   And yet it would apparently regard it as an understanding sound enough to guide the judges and the rest of us.    I gather that he regards this understanding as something sensible in itself—as Alexander Hamilton would say,  an understanding “which, antecedent to all reflection or combination, commands the assent of the mind.”   Which is to say, it is one of the “first principles,” not at all dependent on the Constitution.  We are back with the  natural law, and the truth of the matter is that we never left it.  

          Reflective of this state of mind is this telling passage from Professor Baur as he tries to crystallize his argument:  

[I]t is never the case that the norms on the basis of which judges (or we) may legitimately evaluate existing positive laws, can be given apart from the actual and concrete practices, interactions,and patterns of behavior (in short, the positings) that inform us and make us the social, linguistic, concept-wielding, and hence rational beings that we are.

            Everything is subject to a context of “actual and concrete practices”—except this proposition itself. This understanding, so critical to Baur’s argument, is never itself subject to a context. Evidently it is to be taken as true under all conditions.  We are back again to first principles. 

            The question emerging from all of this then:  How often is it necessary to keep backing into self-refuting propositions, before that recognition finally dawns?    And as it dawns, commentators may recognize that, as they seek to resist the “laws of reason” that form the ground of natural law, they keep backing into those same laws as they try to fashion their own arguments.   They keep landing at Brighton. The surprise, yet to dawn for them, is that they have never left  the natural law. 

            The readers of the Mirror of Justice, instead of relying on other accounts, may be interested in seeing my own response to Judge O’Scannlain.  It will be part of the “Natural Law Manifesto,” a talk I gave in Washington on June 4th, as we inaugurated our new Center for Natural Law in Washington,  under the sponsorship of the Claremont Institute. The fuller text will appear in the Claremont Review, but it will be available also, with those footnotes we esteem and dread, in an upcoming issue of the Notre Dame Law [Review].

I'll invite Prof. Baur to respond in detail (or, perhaps, to Robby, to weigh in).

Epstein on Buffett . . . and the Pope

Prof. Richard Epstein writes, here, that Warren Buffett is like the Pope . . . in being misguided about morality and the market economy.  He writes: 

A successful and sustainable political order requires stable legal and economic policies that reward innovation, spur growth, and maximize the ability of rich and poor alike to enter into voluntary arrangements. Limited government, low rates of taxation, and strong property rights are the guiding principles.

Unfortunately, many spiritual and economic leaders are working overtime to push social policy in the exact opposite direction. At the top of the list are two prominent figures: Pope Benedict XVI and financier Warren Buffett. . . .

"World Youth Day and Religious Freedom"

The archbishop-designate of Philadelphia, Charles Chaput, has a worth-reading essay on religious freedom -- which is adapated from his remarks at World Youth Day in Spain -- over at the First Things blog.  He writes, among other things:

. . . Freedom of religion presumes two things.

First, “freedom of religion” presumes that people have free will as part of their basic human dignity. And because they can freely reason and choose, people will often disagree about the nature of God and the best path to knowing him. Some people will choose to not believe in God at all—and they have a right to their unbelief.

Second, “freedom of religion” presumes that questions about God, eternity and the purpose of human life really do have vital importance for human happiness. And therefore people should have the freedom to pursue and to live out the answers they find to those basic questions without government interference.

Freedom of religion cannot coexist with freedom from religion. Forcing religious faith out of a nation’s public square and out of a country’s public debates does not serve democracy. It doesn’t serve real tolerance or pluralism. What it does do is impose a kind of unofficial state atheism. To put it another way, if we ban Christian Churches or other religious communities from taking an active role in our nation’s civic life, we’re really just enforcing a new kind of state-sponsored intolerance—a religion without God. . . .



"The End of Love"

Following up on recent posts by Lisa, Richard, and me -- about protecting the vulnerable through U.S. law, about our Vice President's apparently non-judgmental attitude toward China's one-child policy, and about chilling developments in Denmark -- here's Charlie Camosy, at the Catholic Moral Theology blog, on "The End of Love:  When Killing the Most Vulnerable Becomes a Good."  He notes that "[w]e are refusing to love the most vulnerable and are instead abandoning them in the most dramatic way possible." 

Monday, August 22, 2011

Mary Ann Glendon to deliver Berman Lecture at Emory

Emory University is the place to be, on September 20, when Mary Ann Glendon will deliver the Harold Berman Lecture.  More here

The Vice-President "fully understand[s]" China's one-child policy

Speaking at Sichuan University, in Chengdu, China, the Vice President of the United States said this:

 

You have no safety net.  Your policy has been one which I fully understand -- I’m not second-guessing -- of one child per family.  The result being that you’re in a position where one wage earner will be taking care of four retired people.  Not sustainable.

Groan.