Read it, here. Thoughts?
Tuesday, April 12, 2011
Beckwith on St. Thomas and "The Inadequacy of Intelligent Design"
A must-see film for 2011: "Cristiada"
Check it out. Viva Cristo Rey!
Prof. Corbin's third post on the ministerial exception
Is here. She concludes:
[A]pplication of anti-discrimination laws like the ADA never requires that kind of direct grappling with religious doctrine or beliefs. Indeed, anti-discrimination cases may present no religious issues at all. To the extent they might, courts need not resolve theological disputes such as what role music or schoolteachers play in the church. Instead, they would be deciding whether a legitimate religious reason or an illegitimate secular reason (discrimination) motivated an employment decision. For example, imagine a church fires a teacher who has an extramarital affair, arguing that she violated the church’s proscription against sex outside marriage. In a sex discrimination case, the issue of whether sex discrimination has occurred depends on whether the school applies the religious policy equally to male and female teachers. The court will not have to resolve any doctrinal dispute or otherwise evaluate the religious merit of the proffered reason: no one questions the school’s religious belief that sex outside of marriage is forbidden. The court need not evaluate the plaintiff’s spirituality because no one disputes she engaged in forbidden conduct. The only question to be decided falls well within the court’s competence: determining whether the plaintiff’s evidence establishes that men and women were treated the same on this issue. In other words, the court judges the credibility of a religious reason, rather than whether something is religiously true. Judging the credibility of a proffered reason is within the court’s role and expertise. Resolving religious questions is not.
My view is different, but I'd welcome hearing from readers in the comments!
Politics and the Devil
The folks at Public Discourse have made available a version of a lecture that Archbishop Charles Chaput gave at Notre Dame recently. The lecture was part of a new Right to Life Lecture Series (organized by the students). Very much worth a read. A taste:
. . . All law in some sense teaches and forms us, while also regulating our behavior. The same applies to our public policies, including the ones that govern our scientific research. There is no such thing as morally neutral legislation or morally neutral public policy. Every law is the public expression of what somebody thinks we “ought” to do. The question that matters is this: Which moral convictions of which somebodies are going to shape our country’s political and cultural future—including the way we do our science?
The answer is pretty obvious: if you and I as citizens don’t do the shaping, then somebody else will. That is the nature of a democracy. A healthy democracy depends on people of conviction working hard to advance their ideas in the public square—respectfully and peacefully, but vigorously and without apologies. Politics always involves the exercise of power in the pursuit of somebody’s idea of the common good. And politics always and naturally involves the imposition of somebody’s values on the public at large. So if a citizen fails to bring his moral beliefs into our country’s political conversation, if he fails to work for them publicly and energetically, then the only thing he ensures is the defeat of his own beliefs. . . .
Milner Ball, R.I.P.
I was lucky to have had the chance to read, and learn from -- and even more blessed to have met and spent time with -- Prof. Milner Ball. What a great, good man. Read more about him here. He passed away on April 6. R.I.P.
Consider also reading this paper, by Avi Soifer, about Milner and his work. Or, this book -- "Called by Stories: Biblical Sagas and Their Challenge for Law."
God bless him.
Call for submissions to the Notre Dame Journal of Law, Ethics & Public Policy
The Notre Dame Journal of Law, Ethics & Public Policy annually publishes a volume comprised of two issues exploring the legal, ethical, and moral considerations of current policy debates within the framework of the Judeo-Christian intellectual tradition.
This coming year, the volume will include the following:
(1) A symposium on regulatory adoption of corporate governance principles rooted in Catholic Social Thought.
(2) A general topic format with articles on a variety of topics related to our mission. The Journal is especially interested in capturing some of the issues likely to be raised in the upcoming election cycle, including alternative and green energy; human rights and the popular uprisings in the Middle East and Northern Africa; immigration; and government spending, austerity measures, and the effect on the poor. This is not an exhaustive list.
The Journal is unique among legal periodicals because it examines public policy questions within the framework of the Judeo-Christian intellectual and moral tradition. The Journal has a national audience of persons actively involved in the formulation of public policy, and often includes timely pieces from a broad spectrum of prominent scholars and officials. . . .
The Journal’s unique focus is widely recognized, as demonstrated in citations to the Journal by various state and federal courts, including the United States Supreme Court.
If you are interested in submitting a piece to be considered for publication, please contact Samantha Dravis, Solicitation Editor at (703) 899-9379, or via e-mail at [email protected].
Springtime for Subsidiarity
I worry sometimes that Rob Vischer and I are the only people who take subsidiarity seriously. We seem to be amid a subsidiarity renaissance, though, when I see Rick Hills invoke it a recent blog post and come across pieces by Heather Gerken and Daniel Halberstam broadly gesturing in the direction of, in Russell Hittinger’s term, "the sociality of society." As Hittinger puts it, “[T]he point of subsidiarity is a normative structure of plural social forms....To be sure, subsidiarity is often described or deployed in a defensive sense--as to what the state may not do or try to accomplish--but the principle is not so much a theory about state institutions, nor of checks and balances, as it is an account of the pluralism and sociality of society.” Here is Gerken on her project in the Harvard Law Review Supreme Court Foreword (“Federalism All the Way Down”):
Even as I join the nationalists in insisting on the center’s ability to play the national supremacy card, my account elides the principal-agent distinction, privileges messy overlap over clear jurisdictional lines, and understands power to be fluid, contingent, and contested. I celebrate the fact that Tocqueville’s democracy fails to produce Weber’s bureaucracy. I argue that division and discord are useful components of an integrated policymaking regime and a unified national polity. All of these claims push up against a conception of national power that is as deeply rooted in sovereignty as is federalism’s conventional conception of state power.
Islamic bioethics: an outsider's view
Tonight I returned from the University of Michigan, where I was privileged to participate in a conference on Islamic bioethics. Granted, I'm neither a Muslim nor a bioethicist, so the invitation to me was especially gracious -- I was there to address the interplay of law and religion in American health care more broadly. This was not an interfaith dialogue, so I had the opportunity to observe what was primarily a conversation among Muslim scholars and physicians aimed at developing Islamic bioethics for the American context. I learned a lot, but what struck me were some of the similarities between their project and the ongoing project of developing Catholic legal theory. Just a few quick observations:
First, many participants perceived a need within Islam to pay more attention to -- and cultivate more expertise regarding -- context. The scholars of Islamic law are central to the endeavor, of course, but they must be in dialogue with experts who know the practice of medicine and American health care in particular. As Tariq Ramadan put it in his talk today, the authority of the text (as interpreted by the scholars) must be joined with the authority of context. It sounded very much like a call for the laity to step up in helping develop Church teaching.
Monday, April 11, 2011
Camosy on the Dutch Debate
Over at the new Catholic Moral Theology Blog, Charlie Camosy has an interesting post on the debate in the Netherlands over whether to prohibit kosher and halal methods of animal slaughter, an issue to which Marc pointed us a few days ago. (Jerusalem Post story about the reaction of the European Jewish community here.)
I should confess at the outset (and I suspect Charlie will disagree here) that I don’t hold the view that non-human animals have moral “rights,” at least as that claim is usually understood, nor do I believe that vegetarianism is morally obligatory. That does not, of course, entail that I hold that animals may be treated wantonly or cruelly. Aquinas was quite correct, I think, to say (following Maimonides) that the method of kosher slaughter may have been chosen to prevent cruelty to animals and, in turn, that cruelty is a vice opposed to temperance, but not justice (I-II, 103.3 ad 6; 103.6 ad 1; II-II, 159). As an aside, it seems to me that those who would want to affirm heightened moral standing to animals are better served by Christine Korsgaard’s ongoing project to give a broadly Kantian account of our duties toward some animals (based in the kind of being they are) in, for example, her 2004 Tanner Lectures at Michigan than by the usual utilitarian arguments. See also Brian Leiter’s comments here.
What does concern me is the alacrity with which some, perhaps a majority, in the Netherlands appear willing to throw the religious freedom of observant Dutch Jews and Muslims under the bus. Charlie quotes Party for the Animals leader Marianne Thieme that “religious freedom isn’t unlimited,” but that isn’t the point. One needn’t have the view that religious freedom is “unlimited” (who does?) to think that a discriminatory prohibition against religiously required methods of animal slaughter is an affront to religious freedom. One could imagine how a blanket prohibition on certain forms of animal killing with the object of preventing animal cruelty could be neutral and generally applicable (to use the formulation from US constitutional law) and not based in religious discrimination. But, as Justice Kennedy’s opinion in Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye v. Hialeah makes clear, it would be difficult to draft such a prohibition without raising concerns about invidious religious discrimination because the terms of such a prohibition will often be underinclusive with respect to the putative government objective. Easier, then, just to single out particular forms of animal slaughter that are based on the beliefs of disfavored religious minorities. The record in Lukumi and, so it seems, in the pending Dutch legislation are replete with examples of such religious animosity. And while US constitutional law is not directly relevant to the Dutch debate, religious freedom is a human right and, in this respect at least, US law has developed a set of helpful doctrinal categories and distinctions.
Finally—and this is a small point—I’m not at all sure that Psalm 51 can be interpreted, as Charlie does, as a “shift in Jewish understanding of right relationship with God and non-human animals.” The text strikes me more as a lamentation over God’s impatience with manipulative and formalistic ritual amid faithlessness and a lack of righteousness (and then, in the Christian tradition, echoed in the preaching of John the Baptist and Jesus) than anything to do with the treatment of animals.
Adventures in Formal Neutrality
France's ban of the face-covering veil (niqab) has taken effect, with some predictable early returns.
This line of the story caught my eye in particular: "The law is worded to trip safely through legal minefields: The words "women," ''Muslim" and "veil" are not even mentioned. The law says it is illegal to hide the face in the public space." Would a measure like this pass muster in the United States under the Free Exercise Clause (set aside RFRA and other statutes), assuming the wording of the ban was formally neutral in this fashion? I take it that any case advancing the right to wear the veil would not be a hybrid. And I'm also not sure that it rises to the level of the direct targeting in Lukumi Babablu. Do you think so?
