The US Supreme Court granted cert this morning in a case addressing the scope of the ministerial exception. Here is Howard Friedman's report. I am skeptical of the whole idea of this judicially created doctrine although I doubt whether the Court will consider the propriety of the exception. It seems, rather, that the focus will be on the scope of the exception. The Court doesn't need to abandon the exception to affirm the Sixth Circuit.
Here's a new blog that I'm sure many MOJ readers will want to visit regularly: "Catholic Moral Theology" is the group blog of "15 of the best young Roman Catholic moral theologians in North America offering their insights." According to one of the participants:
[A]ll of our interaction on the site will be done:
in friendship to engage each other in theological discussion, to aid one another in our common search for wisdom, and to help one another live lives of discipleship, all in service to the reign of God. We understand our role as scholars and teachers to be a vocation rooted in the Church and so we seek to place the fruits of our training at the service of the Church, as well as the academy and the world. We recognize that we as a group will have disagreements, but want to avoid the standard “liberal /conservative” divide that often characterizes contemporary conversation, as well as the bitterly divisive tone of so much ethical discussion (particularly on the internet). We therefore endeavor to converse with each other and others in a spirit of respect, charity, and humility.
I have been living in Raleigh for a few years now and have witnessed, even in that short time, dramatic changes in the area. The Wall Street Journal recently reported that the state's population grew over the past decade by about 18.5%. And, many of the new arrivals are Hispanic--now 8.4% of the state's population--while white population dropped to 45%. What does this mean? Maybe not much. But, it is clear that there is a growing Catholic population in this area. And, many of the newly arrived Catholics are professionally educated. Raleigh Diocese will celebrate its 3rd Red Mass this October. It would be difficult for me to witness these changes and not feel optimistic about the future.
On Friday we celebrated the Feast of the Annunciation, a liturgical celebration that, aside from Easter, could be described as the preeminent feast of hope.
Just over two months ago we marked the thirty-eighth anniversary of Roe v. Wade, an occasion of profound sadness, and for some, even despair. I had meant to post this entry at that time, but it fits nicely with Greg Sisk’s recent, hopeful post, The Pro-Life Generation.
Just prior to Roe’s anniversary, Russell Shaw published a sobering and largely accurate commentary here on why the barbaric legal regime created by Roe is still with us notwithstanding the opinion polls indicating that the country would like to be rid of it.
The polling data show that a majority of Americans don’t support the virtually unlimited access to abortion that now exists. Yet people who are opposed to abortion, at least tepidly, regularly vote for pro-choice candidates. The result is this prolife/pro-choice seesaw. Up and down—it’s been that way for 38 years. So let us return to our question: How come?
It appears to me that the only possible explanation for this voting behavior is that, no matter what many people say they believe about abortion, when push comes to shove the issue doesn’t carry all that much weight with quite a few. For them, clearly, it is not the great moral issue of our times that convinced prolifers—and not a few prochoicers as well—consider it to be.
And the fact that it isn’t can only be understood as a reflection of the value such people assign to human life before birth. Not that it’s unimportant exactly, but that in the end it’s less important than something else.
I describe Shaw’s comments as “largely accurate” because some voters may be convinced (and not without some reason) that political action against abortion will be unavailing. Most voters probably don’t think in terms of constitutional law, though Roe’s status as a constitutional decision is an obvious impediment. What they do see is that Roe remains in place despite all efforts to the contrary. Aren’t pro-life efforts on the legal front ultimately doomed to failure? Why “waste” my vote on a futile gesture at the ballot box?
Thus, Roe’s resilience and the perceived lack of pro-life progress can be disheartening. It can engender an abortion fatalism or resignation to the inefficacy of pro-life legal measures that becomes a kind of self-fulfilling prophecy. Convinced that pro-life politicians can make no difference, voters turn to “something else” (as Shaw says) in making their political calculation at the ballot box.
Contrary to this outlook, a compelling case can be made that the restrictions on abortion enacted over the course of Roe’s reign have had an enormous influence on the frequency of the procedure. I refer here in part to the path-breaking work of political scientist Michael New (see here, here, and here) showing that modest restrictions like parental notification requirements and waiting periods and prohibitions on the use of government funds to pay for abortions have significantly reduced the incidence of the procedure in states that have enacted them.
Other pro-life gains include the Partial Birth Abortion Ban, the Born-Alive Infants Protection Act, and the Unborn Victims of Violence Act. Cynics might protest that these statutes prevent few if any actual abortions, and that, to the extent they have any value at all, their value is entirely symbolic, serving only as rallying points and fund-raising opportunities for both abortion supporters and opponents.
There is some truth in this observation, but the value of these legislative acts goes beyond mere symbolism. The correct way to view these statutes is as a putting in place the legal foundation for building a culture of life (see here). They are necessary first steps to establishing in federal law the principle that the unborn child counts for something – that he or she is not simply a disposable object – and a reminder that the right in Roe, insofar as it exists at all, is a right to be unburdened by pregnancy, not the right to a dead child. See Planned Parenthood of Missouri v. Danforth, 428 U.S. 52, 99-100 (1976) (White, concurring in part and dissenting in par).
Few MOJers will argue with Shaw’s conclusion that the reality of the present situation simply “underlines the magnitude of the task of education and persuasion facing the prolife community after 38 years.” At the same time, Greg’s post reminds us that pro-life education efforts are already bearing fruit. The reason for hope is on the vine.
My high school daughter, Katie, is active with her Catholic high school's pro-life club. When the students went to the Minnesota capitol in St. Paul a couple of weeks ago to support the pending "Unborn Child Pain Prevention Act," she and the others from her school ended up spending half an hour debating the merits of the bill with a pro-choice state legislator in his office. That legislator's mind wasn't changed that day, but he told the small group of high school students how impressed he was with their thoughtful and strong, but always courteous, arguments. Especially those of us who become discouraged from time to time (and I certainly include myself in that number), we must remember that speaking up for the unborn and never tiring in the struggle for life will yield benefits down the road that we may never see on this side of paradise. (And, if a proud father may say so, my daughter thoroughly enjoyed and was energized by the extemporaneous debate -- so we may have other budding lawyer in our family!)
Anyway, because one of her fellow students at Benilde-St. Margaret's High School is featured in the video, Katie sent to me a link to the following YouTube video from Students for Life.
Seldom have I watched something that has given me such hope for the future and such confidence in the finest of our young people. It is worth a few minutes of your time. I promise you'll be uplifted.
The European Court of Human Rights' decision in Lautsi v. Italy relied almost exclusively on an analysis of what Article 2 of Protocol 1 of the Convention on Human Rights required. That provision states: "No person shall be denied the right to education. In the exercise of any functions which it assumes in relation to education and to teaching, the State shall respect the right of parents to ensure such education and teaching in conformity with their own religions and philosophical convictions."
As I noted in my previous post on this case, the Grand Chamber held that "the decision whether crucifixes should be present" in public schools "forms part of the functions assumed by the respondent State in relation to education and teaching" and that it is therefore within the compass of Article 2 as well.
But one might well wonder why. Since the Court tells us that this case turns on the right of member states to set educational curriculum as they see fit (within a proper margin of appreciation), and since it also tells us that whether crucifixes are present in classrooms relates to an educational decision, the obvious question is: What is the relationship between the presence of crucifixes and the educational responsibilities of member states, in this case Italy? Unfortunately, the Court does not make this clear at all. Indeed, it does not even attempt to answer this question, and I think that is regrettable. Perhaps the Court did not want to swim in those waters for fear of writing an overly deep and thick decision; because of the controversial quality of the case, and the likelihood that whichever course it chose would be divisive, the Court wanted to engage in a bit of minimalism. In general I am a supporter of minimalism, particularly the Burkean variety, but because the Court relied so heavily on Article 2, seemingly to the exclusion of any discussion of Article 9, the issue inevitably rears its head and gives at least something of the appearance that the Court's decision was not as thorough as it could have been. Perhaps lack of thoroughness is a good thing sometimes, but it's interesting to begin to think about what something deeper might have looked like.
In fact, I think that the building blocks of a deeper explanation are right within the Court's own decision. The explanation might well be grounded, at least in part, on the lengthy discussion of Italy's historical engagement -- its domestic law and practice -- with the crucifix in public schools, as well as the extensive citation to decisions of Italy's own courts on this question.
One might imagine many different kinds of "educational" reasons for including a crucifix in a classroom. Here are only a very few: to indicate to students that they ought to worship as Catholics; to celebrate Catholicism to the exclusion of all other faiths, whether the students practice it or not; to celebrate Catholicism along with other faiths, in an effort at instilling both a historical consciousness and a sense of civic pluralism with respect to religion; to acknowledge the current cultural and religious preferences of the majority of Italians; to acknowledge the preferences of the majority of Italians as a matter of historical fact; to acknowledge Italy's historical roots as a Christian, and Catholic, country, stretching back to early Christendom; to acknowledge Italy's historical roots as a Christian, and Catholic, country, at the time of the unification of Italy, and the role played in the unification by Catholicism and the papacy; to suggest a connection between the Christian, and Catholic, superstructure of moral and civic values and Italy's contemporary secular/pluralistic civic values; and to suggest something true about the ineliminable inextricability of the cultural, the civic, the religious, and the educational.
Some of these reasons are more amenable to civic educational functions that would fall within Italy's margin of appreciation -- that is, for example, that would not violate other provisions of the Convention -- than others. My own view is that those reasons which suggest something normative and descriptive about the Italian intellectual heritage, history, and traditions of Christianity, and Catholicism specifically, rather than those which indicate something about what students ought, or ought not, to believe as a matter of faith, are more amenable as grounds for concluding that the crucifix (and the cross) have educational value which does not trench on other Convention provisions. Admittedly, these are difficult and complicated questions that present problems of line-drawing, and I emphasize that final qualifier because the general category "education" is slippery and protean. But in light of the Court's almost exclusive reliance on Article 2, I think that a bit more spade-work on this issue might have done the decision some good.
ADDENDUM: Some more and related reflections by Eric Rassbach at The Becket Fund, with a link to thoughts by Paolo Carozza, here.
Thanks, Rob, for your comments on my views about natural law and the Gospel and grace. You are absolutely right: I do not reject reliance on the Gospel and grace. At the same time, I believe that reason, though manifestly fallible, and certainly weakened by sin, is itself a profound gift of God. Indeed, by virtue of our reason and freedom we enjoy a certain (limited, to be sure, but real) sharing in divine power. (I explain this point in some detail and discuss its significance in my 2007 John Dewey Lecture in Philosophy of Law at Harvard, entitled "Natural Law," available here: http://www.law.harvard.edu/students/orgs/jlpp/Vol31_No1_Georgeonline.pdf.) Even apart from revelation, human beings are thus capable of understanding many very important truths, including truths about morality, justice, and human rights and dignity. As St, Paul said (Romans 2:14), there is a law "written on the hearts," even of the Gentiles who do not have the law of Moses---a law sufficient for accountability and judgment. I would add that even those who have access to revealed truth still need to exercise the power of reason. Reliance on revelation alone is insufficient, just as reliance on reason alone is inadequate. As John Paul II famously put the matter in his encyclical letter Fides et Ratio, "faith and reason are like two wings on which the human spirit ascends to contemplation of truth."
I just read an interesting article, “New birth control commission papers reveal Vatican’s hand,” appearing in the National Catholic Reporter [here] in which the author, Mr. Gerald Slevin, asserts that Dr. Grisez (Fr. Ford died in 1989) has engaged in revisionism that “appears to be part of an effort by some traditionalist Catholics—often with the Vatican’s blessing—to rewrite elements of the history of the Second Vatican Council” and the history of Humanae Vitae. Mr. Slevin refers to a short history [here] authored by Dr. Grisez about Fr. Ford (who incidentally earned his law degree from Boston College in 1941) and his work on the Pontifical Commission on Population, Family, and Birth-rate established by Pope John XXIII in 1963 less than two months before the Pontiff died. Dr. Grisez assisted Fr. Ford in his labors on this important Commission.
I am intrigued that Mr. Slevin refers to the documents that Dr. Grisez mentions and provides in his history of Fr. Ford as “new.” They certainly are not new in that they span in range from the early 1960s through the early 1990s shortly after Fr. Ford died.
Well, that might mean that they are “new” in the context of just seeing the light of day.
I am not sure that would be an accurate assessment, though. In 2007 Fr. Eric Marcelo O. Genilo, S.J. published his doctoral dissertation on the moral theology of Fr. Ford and cites many of the documents linked by Dr. Grisez. Fr. Genilo had access to the documents that were in Fr. Ford’s library and files which are now in the Jesuit Archives of the New England Province located at the College of the Holy Cross. Any researcher, as Fr. Genilo has demonstrated, could have access to most, if not all, of these texts which Mr. Slevin has labeled “new.” Fr. Ford’s papers were collected and catalogued after his death in 1989 and then made available to researchers willing to contact and travel to the New England Province Archives. Finally, Fr. Genilo’s published dissertation covers much the same ground contained in the Slevin article but without the rhetorical flourish of the brief article in the NCR.
The European Court of Human Rights has ruled that the presence of crucifixes in Italian state schools does not violate the freedom of religion protected by the Charter. The decision essentailly defers to the decisions that signatory countries make in this area. So the decision of the German high court that the display of crucifixes in German public schools constitutes a violation of the German Constitution is undisturbed. For a link to the decision and a brief favorable discussion, see here.
Under current law the U.S. approach folllows neither the ECHR nor the German approach. Crucifixes are not permitted in American public school classrooms (so the U.S. approach contradicts the ECHR), but the basis in the U.S. is the Establishment Clause; the approach in Germany is closer to our Free Exercise clause. Students may not be required to study "under the cross" if they complain. But crosses are permitted all over Bavaria without violation of German law.