I serve on the Board of the American Center for School Choice, and strongly recommend this upcoming conference, "May Superman Pray?"
May Superman Pray?
The Role of Faith-based Schools in School Choice
April 1, 2011
Boalt Hall School of Law
University of California, Berkeley
• Attendance by Invitation Only
• Registration fee: $40 (scholarships available-please enquire)
• Fee waived with student ID (still requires registration)
Request an Invitation | View Agenda | List of Speakers
At this critical time when education policies throughout the US are being reshaped, The American Center for School Choice is organizing and hosting this event to ensure that Americans can select a faith-based school for their children. This is a day to analyze how best to remove obstacles to expand this choice for families and to encourage faith-based schools to increase their presence in the education reform arena.
Today, approximately 75% of the 29,000 private K-12 schools in the US are faith-based. Private schools serve about 6.1 million children, nearly 11 percent of K-12 students. But faith-based schools have been disappearing from urban areas at alarming rates. Between 2000-2006, 1162 urban faith-based schools closed and nearly 425,000 fewer students were served. This alarming trend continues today.
But we have the opportunity today to reverse that trend if faith-based schools can come together to support expanded school choice legislation and programs. Only 12 states and the District of Columbia have enacted programs that provide public dollars, mostly to low-income families, which enable these families to choose a faith-based school. These 20 programs, 11 scholarship and 9 tax-credit programs operated through nonprofit organizations, enrolled 180,000 students in 2009-10, up 87 percent in five years.
Although parental choice is clearly a driving force in school reform, as demonstrated in the growing charter school movement and California’s breakthrough Parent Trigger Act allowing parents to move against persistently failing schools, empowering families to select a faith-based school has too often been absent in reforms. With promising private school choice victories recently in Florida, Georgia, and Louisiana, even supported by Democrats, this is a propitious time to develop the next steps to create more opportunities.
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Only 12 states and the District of Columbia have enacted programs that provide public dollars, mostly to low-income families, which enable these families to choose a faith-based school.
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The April 1 sessions will update the basis for public support for families to choose faith-based schools. All the major denominations, Catholic, Evangelical, Main line Protestant, Jewish and Muslim schools, will be represented to discuss how best to build on current programs and create new ones. The conference will examine how these schools can continue to serve low-income families in urban areas where historically they have played a strong role. The political sessions will analyze the best opportunities for passing new legislation and expanding current programs as well as what operational limitations would be unacceptable to the schools. In addition, experts will evaluate the legal constraints, such as states’ Blaine amendments, and the possibilities for challenges and/or changes to them.
We have assembled a wide range of experts to address these issues from all sides of the political spectrum. Retired federal appellate court judge and current Stanford University law professor Michael McConnell will be our luncheon speaker.
The American Center for School Choice is a 501 (c) (3) nonprofit organization founded in 2008. The mission is to expand public support for families to choose the schools they believe will best serve their children. Although the Center has a special affinity for the plight of poor and working class parents who have been so ill-served by the predominant state education monopoly, it believes all parents and families as well as society broadly will benefit from being empowered to choose from a wide variety of educational options.
For further information, contact:
Peter Hanley
Executive Director
American Center for School Choice
650-533-9256
This piece is an interesting reflection on the faith-related themes in "The Sunset Limited", an HBO filmed-play, which I really enjoyed and which is based on a work by one of my favorite living writers, Cormac McCarthy.
Michael Helfand is a very bright young legal scholar who just joined the faculty at Pepperdine. My guess is that his work will always be worth reading. Check out his new paper, Religious Arbitration and the New Multiculturalism: Negotiating Conflicting Legal Orders. Here's the abstract:
This Article considers a trend towards what I have termed the “new multiculturalism,” where conflicts between law and religion are less about recognition and symbolism and more about conflicting legal orders. Nothing typifies this trend more than the increased visibility of religious arbitration, whereby religious groups use current arbitration doctrine to have their disputes adjudicated not in U.S. courts and under U.S. law, but before religious courts and under religious law. This dynamic has pushed the following question to the forefront of the multicultural agenda: under what circumstances should U.S. courts enforce arbitration awards issued by religious courts in accordance with religious law. Indeed, with growing skepticism regarding the oppressive potential of religious majorities, critics have questioned whether religious arbitration has any place in a regime dedicated to individual liberties. By contrast, this Article contends that current arbitration doctrine can meet the challenges of the new multiculturalism. To do so, this Article makes two concrete policy recommendations: (1) courts should redefine the scope of enforceability of religious arbitration awards by limiting the application of the public policy exception to vacate religious arbitration awards and (2) courts should expand the application of unconscionability to void religious arbitration agreements.
A former student of mine, Matt Emerson, has published this essay at the Patheos website, about the position and nature of "Jesuit education in the modern world." The piece, which makes for sobering reading, might be usefull paired with some of what our colleague John Breen has written about Jesuit law schools.
Chief Justice John Roberts is clever and brazen, but he lacks integrity. The military funeral case, Snyder v. Phelps, is a good example of opinion writing gone wrong. Roberts argues that the predominant theme of the material on the picket signs was of public concern expressed in a place that the demonstrators had a right to be and that it was, therefore, protected. He argued that speech cannot be suppressed simply because it is upsetting or arouses contempt. And he argued that the elements of the tort of intentional infliction of emotional distress are too subjective, that they could lead to suppression of constitutionally valuable speech.
You might think from the opinion that Roberts was applying a standard public/private distinction and was not creating new law. In fact, as everyone who knows first amendment law including Roberts is aware, Hustler Magazine v. Falwell was the first case to place first amendment limits on the tort of intentional infliction of emotional distress and, then in a quite limited way. It said that the first amendment is a defense against a claim brought by a public figure or a public official unless the defendant knowingly made false statements. The case goes no further. It certainly did not decide that the intentional infliction of emotional distress gives rise to a first amendment defense in the context of a private person when the speech is of private and public concern. That was the issue to be decided in Snyder (though the cert petition was so poor on this that the case might have been dismissed as improvidently granted). Perhaps I am too picky, but I regard it as a minimum requirement of judicial integrity that a justice state what the state of the law is and what needs to be decided, as opposed to writing as if nothing new under the sun is contained in the opinion.
The opinion also does not adequately confront the fact that speech on public issues is often abridged, e.g., some types of advocacy of illegal action, some types of defamation, and violations of intellectual property. Implicitly, Roberts may be dealing with these and other cases by suggesting that you cannot suppress speech because it is upsetting. True, but the tort here does not focus whether the defendant was upset, but whether the speech caused severe emotional distress. If Roberts actually faced the tough issue in the case (if it is a tough issue), he would need to weigh the intentional infliction of emotional distress against the speech values associated with being able to demonstrate about issues of private and public concern near a funeral. And, I think integrity demands the concession that limiting speech in this regard does not wholly suppress speech because it leaves open the possibility of employing such speech virtually everywhere else in the world.
Finally, Roberts suggests that it might be permissible to ban demonstrations near funerals because a ban of that character would be content neutral. But this would require a lack of integrity as well because everyone in the country knows that such bans have been passed in response to the demonstrations of Fred Phelps. Those bans cover protected speech and what (in my view) should be unprotected speech indiscriminately. If Fred Phelps speech is constitutionally protccted, legislation passed pursuant to a purpose to prevent it should similarly be unconstitutional.
I do not agree with the constitutional interpretation of the first amendment announced in Snyder. But that is not the point of this post. Wholly apart from my view of the merits, I think the opinion is not a good piece of advocacy and it is even worse as a judicial opinion. John Roberts had an excellent reputation as an advocate. But he will never be a good justice until he starts writing opinions which accurately state what is at stake in the cases presented and opinions which face up to hard issues when they are presented instead of glossing past them. To put it another way, the Chief Justice should at least sound like the umpire he promised to be. And people who try to sound like umpires are more likely to become umpires.