Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Monday, March 7, 2011

Graduate seminar in Catholic Political Theory at the Lumen Christi Institute

This looks very interesting:

This summer, The Lumen Christi Institute at the University of Chicago is sponsoring an intensive week long interdisciplinary graduate seminar that focuses on the fundamental philosophical concepts that undergird Catholic political and social theory.  The seminar, entitled "Catholic Social Thought: A Critical Investigation" is devoted to an interdisciplinary analysis of Roman Catholic social teaching over the course of the past century,  from the ground breaking publication of Leo XIII's Rerum Novarum up to the recent publication of Benedict XVI's  Caritas in Veritate.  

The Catholic social tradition is drawn from both reason and faith.  Accordingly, it has has evolved along two fronts.  First in the effort to gain clarity and wisdom by philosophical reflection upon the fundamental principles of social life themselves, and second by way of application of these principles to the contingent historical tides of social institutions.    This seminar seeks to explore this thought as it is found in magisterial documents, and to discern the evolution of teaching on such issues as:  the relationship between the virtues of charity and justice; the different modes of justice; the plurality of social forms and their ontological grounding;  the origin and limits of human authority; the relationship between the Church, the modern state, and civil society; and the role of natural law in public discourse and political debate. 

Fifteen students will be selected to participate in a five-day seminar with two-hour sessions twice daily. We encourage graduate students from a variety of disciplines to apply, including: philosophy, theology, history, political science, law, economics, and sociology.  Books, lodging, and airfare or regional travel will be included, and there is no cost or stipend for attendees. The seminar will take place at Portsmouth Abbey School in Portsmouth, RI from Monday, August 8th, 2011 to Sunday, August 14th, 2011. 

Application Process: 

Any graduate student in the fields listed above may apply for consideration.  Applicants must submit one confidential letter of recommendation, a short writing sample (25 pages or less), and a statement of interest in the seminar.  Completed applications must be received by April 15, 2011.  Students will be notified of their application status by early May.  

Seminar Leader: 

Russell Hittinger is Professor of Philosophy, Research Professor of Law, and Warren Professor of Catholic Studies at University of Tulsa. He is author of The First Grace: Rediscovering Natural Law In A Post-Christian Age and A Critique of the New Natural Law Theory. He is a member of both the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences and the Pontifical Academy of St. Thomas Aquinas.  

About Lumen Christi: 

Founded by Catholic scholars at the University of Chicago in 1997, the Lumen Christi Institute aims at enriching the intellectual community of the University of Chicago by cultivating the Catholic intellectual tradition through on-campus lectures, non-credit courses and seminars, and conferences. Both Catholics and non-Catholics regularly participate and are encouraged to attend. Past lecturers and participants have included Charles Taylor, Alasdair MacIntyre, David Tracy, Jean-Luc Marion, Louis Dupré, Jean Bethke Elshtain, Mark Murphy, and many others. More information can be found at www.lumenchristi.org. Past summer seminars have been led by Corey Barnes (Oberlin College) on “Thomas Aquinas’s Christology” and Paul Griffiths 

(Duke University) on “The Later Augustine: De Trinitate and De Civitate Dei.” 

Online information:

For more information, please visit the Lumen Christi website, where you can also download your applicaiton.

Lumen Christi:  http://www.lumenchristi.org/

Summer Seminars (including application forms):  http://www.lumenchristi.org/?p=471

 

"Debate" at the NYT

It would be sad if it weren't so funny (or, is it the other way around?)  The Times has, as part of its "Room for Debate" series, a "debate" up called "Why Blame the Teachers?"  So far as I could tell, the "debaters" consisted of seven people with pretty much the same view, and one somewhat milque-toast-y dissenter. 

Sheesh.  I mean, I'm a strong supporter of reforming education policy (which means, among other things, that I am deeply concerned about the excessive power and misguided positions of the teacher-unions), but I'm happy to agree that there is "room for debate" on the matter.  Note to the good people at the Times:  Debate, like diversity, requires differences.

Douthat on monogamy

Ross Douthat's op-ed makes the case for teenagers delaying sexual activity:

When social conservatives talk about restoring the link between sex, monogamy and marriage . . . . [t]he point isn’t that we should aspire to some Arcadia of perfect chastity. Rather, it’s that a high sexual ideal can shape how quickly and casually people pair off, even when they aren’t living up to its exacting demands. The ultimate goal is a sexual culture that makes it easier for young people to achieve romantic happiness — by encouraging them to wait a little longer, choose more carefully and judge their sex lives against a strong moral standard.

It's a very good column, though I was struck by the fact that Douthat backs off the "wait until marriage" argument and appears to embrace the more realistic (?) and widely accessible (?) "wait for somebody special" argument.  I don't know how widespread this view is becoming among social conservatives, whether it's just the public adaptation of what is now seen as a primarily religious argument against all premarital sex, and/or whether the traditional argument will be increasingly seen as outdated -- even as a stated policy aspiration -- given increasing delays in marriage, etc. In any event, it's worth a read.

European Protestants Confront Global Capitalism: Different from Catholic Social Theory?

Groups within the World Council of Churches, the World Alliance of Reformed Churches, and the Lutheran World Federation are working on a position regarding global capitalism. A very strong statement appears in Tikkun Magazine in the winter 2011 issue. The statement among other things rejects "the current world economic order imposed by global neoliberal capitalism -- using both structural and direct violence. We reject every claim to an economic, political, and military empire that attempts to subvert God's order of life and whose actions stand in contrast to God's love and justice. We reject an economic system and way of life that exploits nature and propagates unlimited growth so that the conditions of life for future generations are forcibly destroyed and the survival chances of the entire earth are threatened." The statement also rejects a "a policy that through the privatization of collective and common goods produces wealth for the capital owners but scarcity and poverty for the vast majority of the world's population -- the worst kind of violence (Gandhi) -- and which exploits and even destroys nature. With particular emphasis we reject the patenting of seeds and of medicines that are necessary to meet people's basic needs. We say no to the privatization of genes as well as acts of biopiracy; no to the privatization of water and other gifts of nature; no to the privatization of services of general interest such as energy, transportation, health, education; also no to the destruction of solidarity-based social insurance systems through privatization; no to their submission to profit-oriented insurance companies and at the same time to speculative finance markets. All of this is structural violence at the service of the rich. But especially we reject the direct violence of a policy that wages wars to realize these private interests and wastes immeasurable resources on armaments."

These are just samples. The statement as a whole is well worth reading. I could be wrong, but it strikes me that the statement goes beyond Catholic Social Theory, but is not inconsistent with it. I would be interested in what those more familiar with the canon of Catholic reflection on capitalism have to say about that.

Sunday, March 6, 2011

The Good and Evil of Speech

In the wake of the decision in Snyder v. Phelps, I have been thinking a little about the contexts in which law recognizes the pain that words can inflict.  There are interesting tensions across various spheres of law -- collisions of values -- between the good of speech and the evil of speech.

Consider criminal law.  One might think that criminal law is totally unconcerned with speech -- what difference does it make that someone says something nasty insofar as the criminal justice machine is concerned?  But actually it can make a big difference: words can be highly relevant.  Hate crimes are one example.  So are crimes of heat of passion upon adequate provocation.  The old common law rule was that words alone, no matter how outrageous or provocative or painful, could never transform a killing that would otherwise constitute murder into manslaughter.  That category of mitigation was restricted to very specific situations, one of which was the discovery of one's spouse in flagrante delicto.  Perhaps surprisingly, the modern trend is to admit the possibility that words alone might well be enough to render an ordinary intentional killing a different sort of killing -- one which is punished much less severely.  And states that follow the Model Penal Code approach take an even more liberal view of the evil of words: so long as a jury concludes that a defendant acted with extreme mental or emotional disturbance when he killed, he will be convicted of manslaughter, not murder.  The onset of extreme emotional disturbances is frequently actuated exactly by the infliction of verbal pain.

Why is the criminal law concerned with the infliction of verbal pain?  What is its relevance?  I know of two explanations, both of which may have interesting implications for the law of free speech.  The first is that people who are provoked by words that they find exceptionally painful, and who react to the infliction of verbal pain by killing, are weak people -- people acting out of a kind of akrasia.  Given our collective fallenness -- our post-lapsarian wretchedness -- we can understand empathetically how a person might succumb to the animal urge to violence in response to the infliction of verbal pain; we can excuse such acts.  The second explanation is quite different: the infliction of verbal pain warrants some sort of response, justifies it.  It is wrong to inflict verbal pain, and he who is wronged in such a way is entitled to have the wrong righted.  Of course, he is not entitled to kill the provoker, but his killing in response to the infliction of verbal pain is less wrong -- and therefore more right -- than it otherwise would have been.

Here is the puzzle for the law of free speech as well as criminal law: generally (with only a handful of exceptions -- pornography, fighting words, and a few others), we assiduously protect the content of speech, particularly when it deals with a matter of public or common concern.  We do this because of the goodness of speech -- its familiar and much touted intrinsic and instrumental benefits.  But how do we square this near-absolute protection for the content of speech with the rule that words alone can and often will mitigate murder to manslaughter?

It is often said that the most absolute protection for speech is warranted where the content of the speech concerns political or moral issues.  Speech critical of the United States or the Catholic Church, as in Snyder, for example, merits the strongest and most absolute sort of protection.  But notice that criminal law makes no such distinctions.  If A is an extremely devout Catholic who takes insults about the Church very badly, and B says, "Your church is a damnable abomination" with attendant comments about pedophilia and the like, and A, in response, kills B, it will make no difference at all to the criminal law that B's speech was on a matter of public concern.  The question whether his reactive killing warrants mitigation will be put to the jury just the same as if B had directed some highly personal and embarrassing insult at A. 

The puzzle is that while in the free speech context, we say all of these wonderful things about the value of speech on matters of public concern -- how democracy-enhancing it is, how Millian in all the happiest and most rational ways -- in the criminal law context we are generally inclined to recognize the evil of speech, even speech that is concerned with core First Amendment matters.  The disjunction is most difficult to square up if adequate provocation mitigation is taken to be a partial justification -- if we feel that inflicting verbal pain is a wrong that deserves to be righted, not by exonerating the defendant but by mitigating his punishment.  How could it be right, good, to react violently to something which is goodness itself?  But the tension remains even if we think of adequate provocation mitigation as an excuse.  For if speech is really so good, so truth enhancing, so unqualifiedly beneficial, such an unambiguous blessing, why should an ordinary, fallen man react to painful speech with violence -- and not just any violence, but the worst kind?  Below the glassy surface of our sunny encomia to free speech, especially speech prototypically protected by the First Amendment, our real feelings and intuitions about it are actually much more mixed -- speech can be, and often is, just as evil as it is good.

Friday, March 4, 2011

A conference: "May Superman Pray?"

I serve on the Board of the American Center for School Choice, and strongly recommend this upcoming conference, "May Superman Pray?"

May Superman Pray?

The Role of Faith-based Schools in School Choice

April 1, 2011
Boalt Hall School of Law
University of California, Berkeley


• Attendance by Invitation Only
• Registration fee: $40 (scholarships available-please enquire)
• Fee waived with student ID (still requires registration)

       Request an Invitation    |    View Agenda    |    List of Speakers

 

At this critical time when education policies throughout the US are being reshaped, The American Center for School Choice is organizing and hosting this event to ensure that Americans can select a faith-based school for their children. This is a day to analyze how best to remove obstacles to expand this choice for families and to encourage faith-based schools to increase their presence in the education reform arena.

Today, approximately 75% of the 29,000 private K-12 schools in the US are faith-based. Private schools serve about 6.1 million children, nearly 11 percent of K-12 students. But faith-based schools have been disappearing from urban areas at alarming rates. Between 2000-2006, 1162 urban faith-based schools closed and nearly 425,000 fewer students were served. This alarming trend continues today.

But we have the opportunity today to reverse that trend if faith-based schools can come together to support expanded school choice legislation and programs. Only 12 states and the District of Columbia have enacted programs that provide public dollars, mostly to low-income families, which enable these families to choose a faith-based school. These 20 programs, 11 scholarship and 9 tax-credit programs operated through nonprofit organizations, enrolled 180,000 students in 2009-10, up 87 percent in five years.

Although parental choice is clearly a driving force in school reform, as demonstrated in the growing charter school movement and California’s breakthrough Parent Trigger Act allowing parents to move against persistently failing schools, empowering families to select a faith-based school has too often been absent in reforms. With promising private school choice victories recently in Florida, Georgia, and Louisiana, even supported by Democrats, this is a propitious time to develop the next steps to create more opportunities.

Only 12 states and the District of Columbia have enacted programs that provide public dollars, mostly to low-income families, which enable these families to choose a faith-based school.

The April 1 sessions will update the basis for public support for families to choose faith-based schools. All the major denominations, Catholic, Evangelical, Main line Protestant, Jewish and Muslim schools, will be represented to discuss how best to build on current programs and create new ones. The conference will examine how these schools can continue to serve low-income families in urban areas where historically they have played a strong role. The political sessions will analyze the best opportunities for passing new legislation and expanding current programs as well as what operational limitations would be unacceptable to the schools. In addition, experts will evaluate the legal constraints, such as states’ Blaine amendments, and the possibilities for challenges and/or changes to them.

We have assembled a wide range of experts to address these issues from all sides of the political spectrum. Retired federal appellate court judge and current Stanford University law professor Michael McConnell will be our luncheon speaker.

The American Center for School Choice is a 501 (c) (3) nonprofit organization founded in 2008. The mission is to expand public support for families to choose the schools they believe will best serve their children. Although the Center has a special affinity for the plight of poor and working class parents who have been so ill-served by the predominant state education monopoly, it believes all parents and families as well as society broadly will benefit from being empowered to choose from a wide variety of educational options.

For further information, contact:

   Peter Hanley
   Executive Director
   American Center for School Choice
   650-533-9256

Faith in "The Sunset Limited"

This piece is an interesting reflection on the faith-related themes in "The Sunset Limited", an HBO filmed-play, which I really enjoyed and which is based on a work by one of my favorite living writers, Cormac McCarthy.

Helfand on religious arbitration

Michael Helfand is a very bright young legal scholar who just joined the faculty at Pepperdine.  My guess is that his work will always be worth reading.  Check out his new paper, Religious Arbitration and the New Multiculturalism: Negotiating Conflicting Legal Orders.  Here's the abstract:

This Article considers a trend towards what I have termed the “new multiculturalism,” where conflicts between law and religion are less about recognition and symbolism and more about conflicting legal orders. Nothing typifies this trend more than the increased visibility of religious arbitration, whereby religious groups use current arbitration doctrine to have their disputes adjudicated not in U.S. courts and under U.S. law, but before religious courts and under religious law. This dynamic has pushed the following question to the forefront of the multicultural agenda: under what circumstances should U.S. courts enforce arbitration awards issued by religious courts in accordance with religious law. Indeed, with growing skepticism regarding the oppressive potential of religious majorities, critics have questioned whether religious arbitration has any place in a regime dedicated to individual liberties. By contrast, this Article contends that current arbitration doctrine can meet the challenges of the new multiculturalism. To do so, this Article makes two concrete policy recommendations: (1) courts should redefine the scope of enforceability of religious arbitration awards by limiting the application of the public policy exception to vacate religious arbitration awards and (2) courts should expand the application of unconscionability to void religious arbitration agreements.

"Jesuit Education and the Dubious Frontier"

A former student of mine, Matt Emerson, has published this essay at the Patheos website, about the position and nature of "Jesuit education in the modern world."  The piece, which makes for sobering reading, might be usefull paired with some of what our colleague John Breen has written about Jesuit law schools.

Military Funerals and the Failure of Chief Justice Roberts

Chief Justice John Roberts is clever and brazen, but he lacks integrity. The military funeral case, Snyder v. Phelps, is a good example of opinion writing gone wrong. Roberts argues that the predominant theme of the material on the picket signs was of public concern expressed in a place that the demonstrators had a right to be and that it was, therefore, protected. He argued that speech cannot be suppressed simply because it is upsetting or arouses contempt. And he argued that the elements of the tort of intentional infliction of emotional distress are too subjective, that they could lead to suppression of constitutionally valuable speech.

You might think from the opinion that Roberts was applying a standard public/private distinction and was not creating new law. In fact, as everyone who knows first amendment law including Roberts is aware, Hustler Magazine v. Falwell was the first case to place first amendment limits on the tort of intentional infliction of emotional distress and, then in a quite limited way. It said that the first amendment is a defense against a claim brought by a public figure or a public official unless the defendant knowingly made false statements. The case goes no further. It certainly did not decide that the intentional infliction of emotional distress gives rise to a first amendment defense in the context of a private person when the speech is of private and public concern. That was the issue to be decided in Snyder (though the cert petition was so poor on this that the case might have been dismissed as improvidently granted). Perhaps I am too picky, but I regard it as a minimum requirement of judicial integrity that a justice state what the state of the law is and what needs to be decided, as opposed to writing as if nothing new under the sun is contained in the opinion.

The opinion also does not adequately confront the fact that speech on public issues is often abridged, e.g., some types of advocacy of illegal action, some types of defamation, and violations of intellectual property. Implicitly, Roberts may be dealing with these and other cases by suggesting that you cannot suppress speech because it is upsetting. True, but the tort here does not focus whether the defendant was upset, but whether the speech caused severe emotional distress. If Roberts actually faced the tough issue in the case (if it is a tough issue), he would need to weigh the intentional infliction of emotional distress against the speech values associated with being able to demonstrate about issues of private and public concern near a funeral. And, I think integrity demands the concession that limiting speech in this regard does not wholly suppress speech because it leaves open the possibility of employing such speech virtually everywhere else in the world.

Finally, Roberts suggests that it might be permissible to ban demonstrations near funerals because a ban of that character would be content neutral. But this would require a lack of integrity as well because everyone in the country knows that such bans have been passed in response to the demonstrations of Fred Phelps. Those bans cover protected speech and what (in my view) should be unprotected speech indiscriminately.  If Fred Phelps speech is constitutionally protccted, legislation passed pursuant to a purpose to prevent it should similarly be unconstitutional. 

I do not agree with the constitutional interpretation of the first amendment announced in Snyder. But that is not the point of this post. Wholly apart from my view of the merits, I think the opinion is not a good piece of advocacy and it is even worse as a judicial opinion. John Roberts had an excellent reputation as an advocate. But he will never be a good justice until he starts writing opinions which accurately state what is at stake in the cases presented and opinions which face up to hard issues when they are presented instead of glossing past them. To put it another way, the Chief Justice should at least sound like the umpire he promised to be. And people who try to sound like umpires are more likely to become umpires.