Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Friday, March 11, 2011

Catholic Charities, civil unions, and foster care

With the adoption of civil union legislation in Illinois, religious organizations (including Catholic Charities) that operate foster care agencies may lose state funding if they refuse to place children with same-sex couples:

If they are found in violation, Lutheran Child and Family Services, Catholic Charities in five regions and the Evangelical Child and Family Agency will have to license openly gay foster parents or lose millions of state dollars, potentially disrupting more than 3,000 foster children in their care.

Though Illinois legislators championing the civil union bill earlier this year insisted that religious institutions would not be forced to bless same-sex unions, it said nothing about same-sex parents.

Thursday, March 10, 2011

Usury Exemptions for Loans to Fund Lawsuits?

Dante put usurers right on the border between the seventh circle of Hell (for those who commit sins of violence) and the eighth circle (for those who commit sins of fraud).  Dante considered usury to be violence against the natural order of God's design for human productivity -- charging money for the use of money was considered an unnatural profit from another's need, an unnatural rendering of something sterile in itself (money) into something fertile (profit).

Of course, the Church gradually came to see interest as reasonable compensation for the risk of not being repaid.  But what do you suppose Dante would have made of the companies now lobbying in some states for exemptions from state usury statutes for loans that fund people's personal injury lawsuits?

The Integrity of Strongly Worded Opinions

Linda Greenhouse has this "opinionator" column about Justice Scalia's dissents, wondering what Justice Scalia could "think[] his bullying accomplishes" with dissenting opinions which use strong and sometimes highly critical language.  Greenhouse doesn't think that his dissents win over anybody on the current court and only alienate his peers.  In my view, she also engages in some regrettable amateur psychology, suggesting that on "his 75th birthday" "fear as well as anger [is] palpable" and the Justice is feeling frustrated because he realizes that he "has accomplished surprisingly little."  Philip Roth would approve.

In response, Orin Kerr writes that Justice Scalia knows exactly what he is doing: he is writing for future generations of "bored" law students reading opinions in casebooks -- and of course for the lawyers and judges of the future -- who may perhaps agree with him.

Both of these accounts of judicial opinion writing take an instrumental view of the practice: the worth of judicial opinions is their influence on others.  Language ought to be chosen which is most effective in converting the great unwashed to one's view -- whether the unwashed are one's unenlightened colleagues or future readers.  "Overheated" language does not (Greenhouse), or may (Kerr), persuade, and therefore it ought not/ought to be used.

I want to suggest a different way to understand the use of intense and even acerbic language.  Strongly worded opinions stake out depth of disagreement.  They indicate not only difference with respect to one case, or one issue, but more extensive, thicker, and perhaps unbridgeable divides.  They are, in this way, more honest, truer.  If they really do reflect profound differences, then they have more integrity than opinions which, for perceived (short or long term) strategic reasons, paper over or mask those differences for the sake of winning an extra vote here or there.  Strongly worded opinions are not necessarily intended to persuade anyone.  They are a mark for posterity -- that the Justice stood here, at this moment in history, and that the place where others stood was deeply, irremediably, wrong. 

People who have a responsibility for the shape and direction of the law often map out shrewdly how their views can win friends and influence people; that is certainly a part of this line of work.  But when they write without regard for those aims, even (especially) when using astringently heart-felt language, when their writing reflects the full scope of their real views, they are to be admired for performing another kind of crucial function -- they are acting with integrity in shooting the world straight.  

Ash Wednesday in the Streets of San Francisco

Sara Miles reports today in Episcopal Cafe of the bringing of ashes to the streets of the Mission District in San Francisco at Ash Wednesday last year. Those who distributed the ashes had set up signs saying "More forgiveness" and "Life is very, very, very short." The people receiving ashes said "Thank you, including a mother whose baby in the receipt of the ashes ("You are dust, and to dust you shall return") was also told of inevitable death. Miles reflects upon why it is appropriate for people to be grateful for this. A compelling account. Well worth reading.

For a wonderful companion reflection, see the post of Susan Stabile.



Wednesday, March 9, 2011

Rep. King's hearings on radical Islam are a great (or horrible) idea. Discuss.

Imagine a congressional hearing titled, "Christianity and GLBT Hate Crimes" or "Radical Christians and the Murder of Abortion Providers."  I'm guessing that many of us would feel more than a bit perplexed at the premise of those hearings, not because there has never been any relationship between Christian beliefs and those acts of violence, but because the government is heading down a very troubling road when they start to investigate -- and hold up for public shaming (?) -- the religious traditions that may provide the impetus for certain individuals to engage in the objectionable conduct.  So how should we as Christians respond to Rep. King's hearings on "Radicalization in the American Muslim community?"   Especially in today's climate, when anti-Muslim hysteria appears to be growing in some circles, I fear that these hearings will create more heat than light.  At the same time, I don't want the government to turn a blind eye to the power of any group, religious or otherwise, to form "true believers" who will engage in evil acts.  So as Catholics committed to both religious liberty and the common good, how should we advise Rep. King?

How did the liberty of conscience become a "conservative" cause?

I have an essay over at The Public Discourse that takes up this question in the context of analyzing President Obama's conscience regulations.  Feedback, as always, is welcome.

Tuesday, March 8, 2011

A question that should answer itself

"May Church Be Ordered to Let in Parishioners Who Had Been Excluded from Worship Services?", is the question presented by a recent case in Texas, reports Eugene Volokh, here.  A bit, from the opinion:

The First Amendment prohibits governmental action, including court action, that would burden the free exercise of religion by encroaching on a church’s ability to manage its internal affairs.... “It is a core tenet of First Amendment jurisprudence that, in resolving civil claims, courts must be careful not to intrude upon internal matters of church governance....” ...

A church has the right to control its membership without government interference, including interference by the courts. Likewise, a church has authority to determine who may enter its premises and who will be excluded without government interference....

The "Tournament of Novels" at First Things

My own mind tends to focus more on other tournaments during March but . . . the good folks at First Things are running their "Tournament of Novels" over at the First Thoughts blog.  Head over and vote (early and often) for Cormac McCarthy's Blood Meridian (and four others of your choice).  My four, for what it's worth, were The Brothers Karamazov, The First Circle, Silence, and The Power and the Glory.

Book Note: Michael Oakeshott's Skepticism

Admirers of the writing of Michael Oakeshott may want to read Aryeh Botwinick's new book, Michael Oakeshott's Skepticism.  I am not an Oakeshott scholar (though I have more than a passing interest in his philosophy of education), but still I am uncertain about some of the conclusions that Botwinick reaches: e.g., that Oakeshott is a "political philosophical liberal," defined as "someone who calls into question the claims to authority and knowledge advanced by devotees of both Revelation and Reason."  Is John Rawls a political philosophical liberal, too, on this definition?  Botwinick at one point says that Oakeshott's conception of "conversation" "can also be related to his political theory proper in ways that are evocative of Rawls, Ackerman, and Hobbes."  (138)  Really?  Given Oakeshott's deep interest in Hobbes, that connection makes sense to me, but I am more doubtful about the link to Rawls, let alone Ackerman.  This seems to me a quite liberal reading of Oakeshott's conception of conversation. 

Nevertheless, the book is insightful and interesting on the subject of Oakeshott and religion.  Oakeshott is not known as a religious thinker and much of his work did not explicitly concern religious subjects (some of his early work did, but he moved away from it in his mature writing).  But Botwinick argues that Oakeshott's ethic of skepticism gave rise to a type of mysticism which he claims is evocative of Pascal, St. Anselm, and Nicholas of Cusa.  A bit:

According to Oakeshott, we are not able to pierce through to the governing factors as to why the customs, habits, and traditions that we adhere to have the structures and contents that they do . . . . 'Tradition' on one definitional level serves as a surrogate for Revelation.  It is what Revelation gets deflated into once the logical conundrums surrounding the idea of God are confronted . . . . Tradition itself, however, partakes of the inscrutability of its mysterious source in exactly the way that Nicholas projects: it irradiates us -- but we cannot unmask it as long as we continue to relate to it as tradition.  (97)

Monday, March 7, 2011

Chaput on "The American Experience and Global Religious Liberty"

Archbishop Charles Chaput's keynote address, given recently at the Berkley Center at Georgetown, called "Subject to the Governor of the Universe", is available here.  In my view, it's a must-read.  Here's a bit:

At the heart of the American model of public life is a Christian vision of man, government and God.  Now, I want to be clear about what I‘m saying here -- and also what I‘m not saying.

politics; a Calvinist hunger for material success as proof of salvation; an ugly nativist and anti-Catholic streak; a tendency toward intellectual shallowness and disinterest in matters of creed; and a nearly religious, and sometimes dangerous, sense of national destiny and redemptive mission.

I‘m not saying that America is a ―Christian nation.‖ Nearly 80 percent of our people self-describe as Christians. And many millions of them actively practice their faith. But we never have been and never will be a Christian confessional state.

I‘m also not saying that our Protestant heritage is uniformly good. Some of the results clearly are good: America‘s culture of personal opportunity; respect for the individual; a tradition of religious liberty and freedom of speech; and a reverence for the law. Other effects of Reformation theology have been less happy: radical individualism; revivalist

None of these sins however – and yes, some of our nation‘s sins have led to very bitter suffering both here and abroad -- takes away from the genius of the American model. This model has given us a free, open and non-sectarian society marked by an astonishing variety of cultural and religious expressions. But our system‘s success does not result from the procedural mechanisms our Founders put in place. Our system works precisely because of the moral assumptions that undergird it. And those moral assumptions have a religious grounding.

There's a lot more.  Check it out.