Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Friday, July 9, 2010

An MOJ reader kindly calls this to our attention:

A “DICTATORSHIP OF RELATIVISM”?

Symposium in Response to Cardinal Ratzinger’s Last Homily

In memory of Clifford Geertz

Contributors:  Gianni Vattimo, Julia Kristeva, Barbara Herrnstein Smith, David Bloor, Christopher Norris, Daniel Boyarin, Jeffrey M. Perl, Kenneth J. Gergen, Richard Shusterman, Jeffrey Stout, Jeffrey F. Hamburger, Mary Baine Campbell, Lorraine Daston, Arnold I. Davidson, John Forrester, Simon Goldhill

Common Knowledge 13:2-3 (2007)

The introduction to the symposium is here.

Thursday, July 8, 2010

Presbyterian Leaders Approve Gay Clergy Policy

Filed at 9:23 p.m. ET

MINNEAPOLIS (AP) -- Presbyterian leaders voted Thursday to allow non-celibate gays in committed relationships to serve as clergy, approving the first of two policy changes that could make their church one of the most gay-friendly major Christian denominations in the U.S.

[Read the rest here.]

MOJ readers in New York State?

You may be interested in this narrative concerning gay marriage and the next governor of New York State, Andrew Cuomo:  the famous son of a famously Catholic family:

Doubts About Cuomo’s Support of Gay Rights

Interviews and a review of Andrew M. Cuomo’s record reveal a fraught relationship with the gay community.

Gay Marriage, States' Rights, and the U.S. Constitution

Judge Rules Gay Marriage Ban Unconstitutional

A U.S. judge in Boston has ruled that a federal gay marriage ban is unconstitutional because it interferes with the right of a state to define marriage.

'Bigots,' 'Relativists,' and 'Tolerance'

I've followed the past several days' helpful discussion of Pope Benedict's professed concern about a 'dictatorship of relativism' with interest.  I am reminded -- I hope not in merely Pavlovian fashion -- of a puzzle that confronted me some years ago.  Perhaps briefly reporting that conundrum and my tentative solution to it will not be thought out of place here. 

When I was young, innocent, and hopeful, a conversation broke out among several friends and myself about the old 'Nazis marching in Skokie' case, which I had read about in connection with a history of the ACLU.  (The case was said to have deeply divided that organization.)  Some of my friends, with whom I was inclined to agree, thought if fitting for the city to prohibit the march.  Other friends, with whom I was inclined to disagree, argued that the prohibition was a violation of the Nazis' First Amendment rights.  (Isn't that rich?  No 'clean hands doctrine' here it would seem!)  This faction further argued, in effect, that it was incoherent for those of us who thought the ban warranted to favor it in the name of tolerance, since in so doing we were ourselves being, they asserted, intolerant. 

I recall feeling great irritation with this latter observation, and I said as much.  It just couldn't be licit, I thought.  For it seemed to me that, as an argument, it must surely have 'proved too much.'  After all, if one could not, on pain of self-contradiction, refuse to tolerate any instance of intolerance itself, then presumably one would have to tolerate everything.  And then that would open one to self-contradiction.  For in 'tolerating everything' one would be tolerating, among other things, intolerance -- toleration's contrary.   

So were both sides of our juvenile argument committing themselves to incoherence, I wondered, the anti-marchers by being intolerant of intolerance, hence acting contrary to their own professed anti-intolerance, and the pro-marchers by tolerating intolerance, hence affirming their own contrary?  Could one simply not speak coherently of tolerance at all in ethically oriented conversation?

As I cast about for means of dissolving this conundrum in the course of our lengthy discussion, I hit upon a tentative solution that I later recognized to have been a primitive grope in the direction of Kripke's response to the  Epimenides (the 'paradox of the liar'). The Epimenides, as many here will recall, is the paradox occasioned by a statement's apparent self-denial -- a statement of the form 'this statement is false.'  The putative paradox stems from the statement's being false if it is true, and true if it is false -- assuming, of course, that it must be one or the other and not both.  (That assumption turns out to be false.)   

Now intuitively, Kripke's response to paradoxes of this form, if I'm remembering it rightly, involves distinguishing between what he calls 'grounded' and 'ungrounded' statements.  A grounded statement, again if I recall this correctly, is about something other than a statement.  It's about dogs, or cats, or what ever, anything other than statements.  So long as you have one of those, then any statement about that statement, or about a statement about the statement about the (grounded) statement, or ... , will itself be grounded as well.  Otherwise, not.  If one then stipulates that only a grounded statement is possessed of a truth value, one defuses the Epimenides by observing that the self-denying proposition in question is ungrounded, hence possessed of no truth value at all, true or false, hence not paradoxical in the 'both true and false' sense.

(Kripke's 'ground' serves, in the language of topology, as a 'fixed point' for any hierarchy of statements about statements about statements about ...  And Kripke makes use of that fact in a clever deployment of Brouwer's fixed point theorem to derive interesting semantic conclusions about grounded and ungrounded hierarchies of statements -- again, assuming I recall this correctly.  But my own purpose is much simpler, so enough about that.) 

Now my own youthful proto-Kripkean response to the 'tolerance' conundrum worked in much the same way as Kripke's response to the Epimenides: 'Tolerance,' I speculated, always carried what I then called a sort of 'argument place' with it.  It always implicates what the grammarians call a 'direct object.'  One does not simply 'tolerate.'  One 'tolerates x,' or 'tolerates y,' etc.  And there surely are things -- x's -- that it is right to tolerate, things that it is wrong not to tolerate, things that it is not right to tolerate hence wrong to tolerate, and so on.  Further, assuming some x that it is right to tolerate and wrong not to tolerate, it surely will often be right not to tolerate intolerance of that x.  At any rate it will need not be incoherent to deny toleration to such instances of intolerance. 

Well, you see where this is going, I trust.  The first moves in my arguments with my pals over the Skokie case, I decided, were 'ungrounded,' in the sort of pseudo-Kripkean sense I'm appealing to here.  My pals and I were speaking of 'tolerance' in abstracto, without attending to the argument place -- the x, y, or what ever -- that the word 'tolerance' always opens.  Hence we experienced a strange sort of vertigo in the early stages of our back-and-forth.  The conversation was unteathered, unanchored, unmoored.  Once you attend to the argument place, by contrast, things grow quickly more tractable.  For you recognize that you must 'ground' the discussion before it will take you anywhere.  And once you have done that, you might actually make headway.  At the very least, you might figure out what you actually disagree about. 

Triumphantly bringing my tentative solution to bear on the Skokie case, I decided that what we were actually disagreeing about was a doctrinal or prudential question rather than a logical or even ethical question.  I reasoned as follows:  If it is wrong for the Nazis not to tolerate people of a certain ethnicity, then surely it can be perfectly in order as a logical and ethical matter not to tolerate this Nazi intolerance.  At any rate it will involve no incoherence, and any argument on behalf of the Nazis' right to march will accordingly have to proceed from something better than the accusation of incoherence.  For it was not 'tolerance itself' -- what ever that might mean -- that was rightful or wrongful on the part of the Nazis or their antagonists.  It was 'tolerance of [this ethnic group],' 'tolerance of [this attitude],' 'tolerance of [this behavior]' that is rightful or wrongful.  And what the Nazis refuse to tolerate it is wrongful not to tolerate, such that the refusal to tolerate the intolerance in question can be altogether rightful.  It might still be constitutionally problematic -- though I did not and do not think so -- but if so this would be a matter of the legal doctrine not logic.

Now, how does this bear on the conversation here?  I think in this way: Much of the professedly moral opining that many in Pope Benedict's Europe deplore, I suspect, expresses intolerance of things about which most of us would agree it is wrongful to be intolerant.  There seems to be much intolerance afoot in some quarters, for example, of girls and women who wish to participate on equal terms with boys and men in educational and vocational settings.  My guess is that most of us in 'the West,' be we generally 'leftward'- or 'rightward'-leaning where political questions are concerned, agree that instances of this form of intolerance are not to be tolerated, either as an ethical or as a legal matter.  And there is no incoherence, nor need there be any bigotry or relativism, in any such judgment.  

All of us, 'left' or 'right' or 'in between,' who find sexism of the specified type intolerable are simply taking a universally applicable human right seriously -- 'absolutely' seriously.  We are not thinking as 'bigots' or 'relativists.'  And we might even be right, moreover, in some cases, to describe certain instances of the particular form of intolerance itself as bigoted or relativist -- if prompted or defended, say, by reference to a putatively relevant 'fundamental difference' between women and men, or to a putative 'religious' or 'cultural' right to subordinate women.   

Other instances of the moral opining to which I refer, by contrast, express intolerance of things about the morality of which reasonable people still disagree -- be they in Europe, the Americas, Africa, Asia, or anyplace else.  There are some, for example, who appear to take sexual orientation to be more a matter of behavior or 'lifestyle choice' than of genetically determined or deeply-psychologically-rooted identity.  There are others who appear to see things the other way round. 

To those who see things the other way round, it will of course sometimes be tempting, in careless moments, to view proponents of the contrary position as 'bigots.'  For it will seem to them, prior to reflection, that what they take for granted as an ineluctable characteristic on all fours with ethnicity is not being tolerated.  To those who see sexual orientation as merely a 'lifestyle choice,' by contrast, it will sometimes be tempting, again in careless moments, to view defenders of 'gay rights' or 'gay marriage' as 'relativists.'  For it will sometimes seem to them, again prior to reflection, that their opponents think 'anything goes' where behavior and 'lifestyle choice' are concerned.  But in fact bigotry and relativism are apt to be neither here nor there in these cases.  For in fact most on both sides will be absolutists about moral and ethical matters, and in agreement that it is ethically wrongful to view persons as subordinate on the basis of ineluctable attributes.

In cases of this latter sort, then -- cases in which reasonable people continue to disagree about moral (and perhaps related metaphysical) questions, rather than cases in which reasonable people are disagreeing with unreasonable people -- I think we are probably well advised to take special care not to think of tolerance in abstracto, and hence not to play fast and loose with charges of 'bigotry' or 'relativism.'  For what these cases are ultimately about is whether some specific act or attribute is tolerable or intolerable.  And it is only by keeping one's eye on the real ball -- that is, by fixing attention on the act or attribute in question -- that we keep the door open to real progress.  I fear that labeling, as 'bigots' or 'relativists,' those who view the ball differently than we do is, all too often, an indicator that our eyes have strayed from the ball, and that the discussion has accordingly become ungrounded. 

I hasten to add that I do not in saying these things mean to imply that I think Pope Benedict's expression of concern about a 'dictatorship of relativism' to be ungrounded in this sense.  For, truly, I do not know what he had in mind.  Nor do I mean to imply that I think any particular charge of 'bigotry' now before my memory to be ungrounded.  I've little doubt that it's perfectly correct to say of many unreasonable people that they hold bigoted views, and of many unreasonable people that they hold 'relativistic' and hence ultimately incoherent views.  But I do think by far the greater part of humanity is reasonable, and that none of these reasonable people are bigoted or relativist.  They simply continue to disagree, pending further argument on the actual merits, on a number of very specific moral and ethical questions.  And I can't help but hope -- yep, I'm still hopeful! -- that in keeping our eyes on those 'balls' we might still move them forward.

Joseph Laycock, "Modern Exorcism: Trading Autonomy for Demonology"

[Joseph Laycock is Doug's son.  More about Joseph below.  Thought his piece in today's Sightings would be of interest to many MOJ readers.]

Last month, a feature in the online magazine Details told the story of Kevin Robinson, a gay teenager from Connecticut.  Brought up in a Pentecostal household, Kevin first came out to his family when he was sixteen.  His mother, refusing to accept homosexuality as a natural sexual orientation, convinced Kevin to undergo a series of exorcisms to expunge the demons that church members believed were causing his homosexual desire.  After the tenth exorcism – which was particularly brutal and degrading – Kevin and his mother finally came to accept his sexual orientation.  Now twenty, Kevin still expresses difficulty reconciling his faith with his gay identity.

Numerous modern “deliverance ministries” perform rituals to cast demons out of homosexuals.  Last June, a shocking youtube video of such an exorcism by Manifested Glory Ministries attracted national news.  In the video, charismatic prophetess Patricia McKinney discerns that a teenager has “a homosexual demon.”  What ensues is a frantic twenty-minute ordeal during which the teen writhes on the floor in a near seizure.  Church members eventually induce vomiting by squeezing the boy’s abdomen.  Vomiting, interpreted as evil leaving the body, has become the sine qua non in the cultural “script” of modern exorcism – a practice that is, needless to say, highly controversial.  Even Christian ministries who preach that homosexuality is a lifestyle choice and a sin have censured these exorcisms, arguing that they are dangerous.  And the majority of gays who undergo these rites are minors, leading some to suggest that this is a form of child abuse.

But exorcism is actually on the rise and may be more common in America than ever before.  In 2008 the Pew Research Center found that seventy percent of respondents believe that demons are active in the world.  Similar findings have been reported by Gallup and the Baylor Religion Survey.  However, this resurgence of demonology raises serious questions about where demonic influence ends and individual autonomy begins.


As evidenced in the Gospels, the casting out of demons was an important feature of the early church.  In fact, pagans sometimes sought out Christians from whom they could receive exorcisms.  By the early modern period, Catholic Europe had a rich culture of local exorcists.  The Ritual Romanum, written in 1614 under Pope Paul V, consolidated popular forms of exorcism into a formal rite.  This brought exorcism under the direct control of the church hierarchy and in the modern era the rite increasingly became a relic.  However, in the 1970s, there was a resurgence of exorcism and quasi-exorcism among evangelical Protestants and charismatic Catholics.  These modern practices, often called “deliverance ministries” rather than exorcism, usually occur outside of ecclesiastic authority.


Modern deliverance ministries espouse a form of demonology entirely different from that found in ancient times.  Until the twentieth century, the quintessential case of possession was the Gerasenes demoniac, with an alternate personality, a total lack of socialization, and supernatural abilities.  But the demons cast out by deliverance ministries are rarely alternate personalities like The Exorcist’s Pazuzu.  Instead, they are usually aspects of the person’s normal personality that are deemed demonic.  McKinney explained, “You have the alcohol spirit.  You have the crack cocaine spirit.  You have the adulterous spirit.  Everything carries a spirit.”  David Frankfurter describes demonology as “the mapping of misfortune onto the environment.”  Any trait or behavior including homosexuality, eating disorders, and infidelity can now be attributed to demons rather than natural proclivities or rational choice.  Indeed, this seems to be the most appealing aspect of deliverance ministries:  When all behavior is ascribed to the influence of demons, there is no one who cannot be exonerated.

Pigs in the Parlor (1973), a seminal text for the movement, offers an elaborate taxonomy of possessing demons.  Here, demons of homosexuality appear as part of a larger family of demons responsible for sexual impurity.  Other families include the demons of rebellion (where resides “the demon of self-will”) and the demons of false religion (including the demons of Islam, Buddhism, and other world religions).  While researching his book American Exorcism, Michael Cuneo encountered women whose husbands had diagnosed them as having “a demon of willfulness.”  He was even diagnosed as harboring demons himself.  Within this system, humans seem to lose all autonomy; instead, individuality is entirely the product of the various demons possessing us.

Ministries that exorcise gay teens are quick to argue that the teens come to them.  Modern demonology effectively allows individuals to alienate any part of themselves that they are uncomfortable with.  This is no doubt appealing to a variety of people who are conflicted over their desires – whether they are gay teens, guilt-ridden adulterers, or people who cheat on their diets.  But “outsourcing” our inner struggles to exorcists comes with a cost.  By forfeiting responsibility for our behavior, we also forfeit our right to define ourselves as individuals, and we become vulnerable to the abuse doled out by Kevin’s last exorcist.  Perhaps this exchange, in which both responsibility and autonomy are forfeited, is the true “deal with devil.”

References:

Matt Mcalester, “Deliverance: The True Story of a Gay Exorcism,” Details.com, June 2010. Available online at: < http://www.details.com/culture-trends/critical-eye/201006/gay-exorcism>

Michael Cuneo, American Exorcism: Expelling Demons in the Land of Plenty, (Broadway Books, 2001).

David Frankfurter, Evil Incarnate: Rumors of Demonic Conspiracy and Satanic Abuse in History, (Princeton University Press, 2006).

Pew Research Center, U.S. Religious Landscape Survey: June 2008, (Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life, 2008).

[Joseph Laycock is is a PhD student in religion and society at Boston University, and the author of Vampires Today: The Truth About Modern Vampires (Praeger Publishers, 2009).]

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Sightings comes from the Martin Marty Center at the University of Chicago Divinity School.

Aidan O'Neill responds to Michael Scaperlanda

I posted something from Aidan O'Neill yesterday, here.  Michael S. weighed in, here.  Now, Aidan's response:

 [Michael S. asks:]  “What gives this court the authority to determine whether a particular religious interpretation is misguided?"

I think that by using the word “misguided” the court is not suggesting that the views expressed are not in fact true expressions of the particular religious beliefs described, but rather that those religious beliefs when acted upon are morally wrong because inimical to the proper respect for individual human dignity that is incumbent upon all States and societies.  The (anti-relativist) realization that there are absolute moral values (captured in the concept of “human rights”) which are not culturally relative or religiously specific  and which States and societies and religions must protect and promote in order to have legitimacy is a post WW11/post-Nuremberg phenomenon common to the political/legal cultures of the civilised world.   An expression by the court that the actions by another State or significant religious or cultural or political non-State institutions within that state contravene fundamental human rights is very much the province and duty of the judge, and I see no usurpation of power in their so doing in this particular case.

[Michael S.:]  “Is the court really implying that religion is less important to a person’s identity than the ability to act on one’s sexual orientation simply because it can be changed?”

I think the main point about the decision is that the court rejects the distinction between acting on one’s sexual orientation and being of a particular sexual orientation.   That is the very point of the argument before it, which was to the effect that the UK Government said that it could properly send back avowedly gay men to Iran and Cameroon respectively on the basis that if they were to be discreet (not - openly -  act on their sexual orientation) they would not invite persecution.   But the court rejected this claim noting that to be of a particular sexual orientation was not simply a matter of (not) acting on particular urges to have sex.   Rather being gay carried for an individual a whole weight of meaning and behaviour and outlook because it was an integral part of their personality: not necessarily in any senses definitive of them, but central to them.  Thus to suggest that some not act gay was to tell them not to be who they were made (by God, or genes, or upbringing - or a combination of all three) and that any such demand was an affront to the respect for human dignity that a properly informed human rights culture requires.  Against the moral background provided by the principle for respect for individual human dignity required by a culture informed by human rights, the court is saying no more than Polonius tells his son Laertes in Hamlet:  “This above all: to thine own self be true, And it must follow, as the night the day, Thou canst not then be false to any man.”

It might also be said that the court was therefore saying that being of a particular sexual orientation could not be said to be a matter of individual lifestyle choice (in the way that choosing to covert to or follow particular religious practices might be).   Whether this analysis has implications for other aspects of the law is a matter for another blog post and other cases in the UK and, doubtless, other jurisdictions.

"When Is a Life Form Worthy of Life?"

MOJ friend and Trinity College Dublin law prof Gerry Whyte sends this piece our way; from Der Spiegel Online.:

'When Is a Life Form Worthy of Life?'

Many worry that screening embryos pre-implantation, during fertility treatments, opens the door to gender selection and designer babies. But a German court on Tuesday decided to allow the practice. Commentators say that the ruling throws up more questions about genetic selection than answers.

The case before Germany's Federal Court of Justice on Tuesday was anything but straightforward. It dealt with the genetic tests performed on embryos produced via artificial insemination prior to implantation in a mothers womb. But at its core, it dealt with the very origins of life -- and with the question as to which embryos should be allowed to live, and which should not.

The tests are known as pre-implantation genetic diagnostics or embryo screening. Often, such tests are used to determine the viability of the potential fetus and to determine if genetic defects from the parents have been passed down or not. Many see such tests as a way to avoid abortions later, should the resulting fetus be found to have defects.

This case centers on a doctor in Berlin who had done tests for three couples with reason to believe that their offspring may have genetic defects. He then only implanted those embryos which did not exhibit deficiencies. The others were left to die. Knowing full well that such a procedure could have legal implications, the doctor turned to the courts for clarity.

Gender Selection?

On Tuesday afternoon, the Federal Court of Justice ruled that such procedures were not in violation of Germany's Embryo Protection Law. The law foresees up to three years in prison for those using embryos in a way that does not promote their survival, such as scientific research. The court found, however, that because the ultimate goal of pre-implantation screening is a healthy pregnancy, such tests are not in violation of the law. Furthermore, similar tests on embryos in the womb are allowed -- tests which sometimes result in the mother choosing to abort.

For many, the issue isn't quite as clear cut as this. They fear that allowing PID clears the way for so-called "designer babies," or babies chosen for certain desired characteristics. In addition to genetic defects, for example, embryo screening can provide information about gender -- potentially leading to gender selection, say critics.

German commentators discuss the court's decision on Wednesday.

The center-left Süddeutsche Zeitung writes:

"There are a number of arguments that make a sober discussion as to the pros and cons of (embryo screening) virtually impossible. One of these arguments says that it creates the pre-conditions for the creation of designer babies. Blonde and blue-eyed, made to order, in other words."

"The case decided on by the Federal Court of Justice shows what the debate is really about. It is about couples who would like to have children but who have reason to be concerned about possible genetic defects, some of which are much worse than Down syndrome. It is about mothers who, for a lack of screening, have to wait until the embryo in their belly grows tiny hands and feet -- a fetus which, should the feared genetic defects then become reality, they may legaly abort. And it is about doctors who seek to protect people from traumatic experiences -- experiences which can shatter both relationships and emotional stability."

The center-right Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung writes:

"The Embryo Protection Law sought to prevent exactly that which the Federal Court of Justice has now chosen to allow: Namely the selection of "good" and the correlative destruction of "bad" embryos. With good reason. The selection of embryos involves much more than merely increasing the success rate of artificially implanted pregnancies or that of preventing the later abortion of a presumably handicapped fetus. Embryo screening means certain life forms are not allowed to exist at all. And that opens the door wide open to judgments about which life forms have value, rather than just determining their viability."

The conservative daily Die Welt writes:

"It is imperative that we decide where we stand on the increasingly exact fetal diagnostics tests available. We must closely consider which pre-existing conditions in the parents make screening their embryo acceptable. We must define which forms of selection we do not want. Gender selection must be shunned as much as any attempts at achieving genetic perfection. At the same time, we need to limit the rapidly multiplying diagnostics available during pregnancy. We need clear rules for the entire pre-natal period."

Business daily Handelsblatt writes:

"Artificial insemination has allowed us to dramatically increase the age at which women can have children. Furthermore, the risks facing advanced-age pregnancies -- particularly genetic defects such as Down syndrome -- have been radically reduced using new diagnostics technologies."

"But the door which was opened yesterday can also lead to darkness. Humanity has entered a place where there are no identifiable limits. When is a life form worthy of life? Does humanity even have a role to play in that question? Where does humanity end and business begin? But the question of all questions is: Should humans be allowed to do things just because they can?"

-- Charles Hawley

Herein of Clarity and Confusion(s)

        1.  In his most recent post, Robby misunderstands what I meant when I said that then-Cardinal Ratzinger’s critique was “less than clear”.  To move the discussion along, let me take responsibility for the misunderstanding.  (Was I less than clear?)  Here’s what I meant--and mean:  Cardinal Ratzinger’s lament about “a dictatorship of relativism” was less than clear because even if, as I'm happy to assume, he meant exactly what Robby says he meant, the position Ratzinger was criticizing is not “relativist” on any account of relativism with which I am familiar:  epistemological, anthropological, or cultural.  I discuss the various relativist positions in Perry, The Idea of Human Rights (1998), at 57-86, in a chapter subtitled “The Relativist Challenge and Related Matters”.

        2.  Robby disagrees with me about how best to characterize the late Oxford philosopher John Mackie’s views.  I don’t think anything of consequence turns on this disagreement.  Nonetheless, I think that Robby’s characterization is, if not wrong, then suboptimal.  Does anyone want to take the time to adjudicate this rarefied terminological disagreement between Robby and me?  If so, then I suggest you begin by reading not only the account of “fictionalism” in the online Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, here, but also Daniel Nolan, Greg Restall & Caroline West, “Moral Fictionalism” (where Mackie’s views are discussed as an example of “moral fictionalism”), here; and Richard Joyce’s outstanding book, The Myth of Morality, which I cited in my previous post.  But, again, unless I’m missing something, your time may be better spent:  Nothing of consequence turns on this terminological disagreement.

        3.  The issue of "proportionalism" is entirely beside the point in this context.  The views I was referencing—the views of some Catholic moral theologians that disagree with the magisterial views about the morality of same-sex sexual conduct—are not “proportionalist”.  See especially Salzman & Lawler, Theological Studies (2006), here; Salzman & Lawler, Theological Studies (2008), here.  (The latter piece by Salzman & Lawler is subtitled "A Response to Patrick Lee and Robert George".)  That debate—unlike, for example, the debate about the morality of abortion—simply does not implicate the issue of proportionalism.  That debate consists mainly of competing views about the requirements of human well-being.

        4.  The heart of the earlier disagreement between Robby and me—the disagreement, which Robby references in his post, that began with Robby’s contribution to the Tulane Law Review symposium on my 1988 book Morality, Politics, and Law—concerned the issue of (in)commensurability.  For readers who are interested, I critiqued the Finnis-George position in Perry, The Idea of Human Rights (1998), at 87-106, in a chapter subtitled “The Incommensurability Thesis and Related Matters”.

Wednesday, July 7, 2010

Continuing the conversation . . .

I'm grateful to Michael P. for continuing the conversation about a "dictatorship of relativism."  Michael thinks that Pope Benedict's talk of such a "dictatorship" is "less than clear."  It does not strike me as especially obscure or unclear, and I've indicated what I believe Pope Benedict meant by it.  Of course, I could be wrong, but Michael has offered no reason to think I am. The Pope's words make good sense if we interpret him as criticizing what I described in my previous comment as "a cultural ethos in which many people live by (and the media of communication and entertainment frequently promote or valorize) the philosophy of 'the heart wants what the heart wants.' Where such an ethos prevails, one who challenges it risks being labeled a reactionary and even a 'bigot'---and being treated as such."  If that's so, then I think it is a mistake to belittle the Pope's concerns or dismiss them as hand wringing. 

Michael and I also seem to disagree about how properly to classify and label John Mackie's view about ethics.  I said:  "One of the most powerful and influential defenses of the subjectivist position was written by John Mackie of University College, Oxford."  Michael responded by saying that "I doubt that it clarifies much by calling [Mackie] a 'subjectivist.'"  I must say that I'm surprised and puzzled by Michael's response.  Let me say why.

The opening chapter of Mackie's influential book Ethics: Inventing Right and Wrong is entitled "The Subjectivity of Values."

The first sentence in the book is:  "There are no objective values."

Later in the chapter, Mackie expressly accepts the label "subjectivist" for his view (he also accepts the label "moral sceptic," though he warns that any label is simply a shorthand and is therefore of limited utility).

In support of his self-acknowledged subjectivism and skepticism about values and ethics, Mackie offers two main arguments.  The first is what he labels "the argument from relativity" (viz., the claim that the diversity of moral opinions across cultures and, sometimes, even within cultures, renders plausible the claim that objective values do not cause moral beliefs).  The second argument is "the argument from queerness" (viz., the claim that objective values, if they exist, are utterly unlike anything else in the universe, and require a special faculty of perception or understanding that is utterly different from our ordinary ways of knowing things). (For those who are interested, John Finnis, in his book Fundamentals of Ethics, provides compelling responses to both of Mackie's arguments for subjectivism.  Finnis knew Mackie and his work very well, the two men having been longtime colleagues as Fellows of University College.) 

Michael says that Mackie "is best understood" as a "moral fictionalist."  I think Mackie is best understood as what he himself said he was, namely, a subjectivist---someone who believes that values are projections of feeling and other subjective states, not objective truths that provide more-than-merely-instrumental reasons for choices and actions.  If there are no objective values---if all values are merely subjective---then there is no rational basis for ethics, eudaimonistic or otherwise.  Eudaimonistic accounts of morality, in particular, rest rather obviously on the belief that there are indeed certain ends or purposes that we can understand as providing more-than-merely-instrumental reasons for choices and actions---objective human goods.

Michael says that "the serious disagreement between Pope Benedict and Robby (and Catholic moral-theological traditionalists generally) on the one side, and some Catholic moral-theological dissidents on the other, with respect to the issue of same-sex sexual conduct, is a disagreement about the requirements of human well-being.  This is a disagreement between two groups neither of whom is relativist (or subjectivist), both of whom are fiercely anti-relativist."  Well, I think this is too simple a characterization of the disagreement.  Michael and I should debate it.  It seems to me that the overwhelming majority of those Michael characterizes as Catholic moral-theological dissidents (I'm assuming he has in mind people like Joseph Fuchs, Louis Janssens, Bernard Hoose, Charles Curran, and the late Richard McCormick, SJ) embrace a consequentialist ("proportionalist") method of moral decision-making.  In an effort to render the method workable, most adopt a psychologistic conception of value.  This method and conception, according to critics such as Finnis, Bartholomew Keily, Paul Quay, SJ., Anselm Mueller, and (for what it's worth) me, tends to relativize morality by eliminating the rational basis of exceptionless norms (or "moral absolutes"), such as the norm against directly killing innocent human beings or the norm against engaging in sodomitical and other intrinsically nonmarital forms of sexual conduct.

Earlier in our careers, Michael and I debated proportionalism, value psychologism, and related issues in an exchange that, I believe, remains illuminating of differences among people who wish to promote and defend eudaimonistic understandings of morality---that is, understandings of morality as deeply connected to the well-being or flourishing of human beings.  See Michael Perry, Morality, Politics, and Law (Oxford University Press, 1990); Robert P. George, "Human Flourishing as a Criterion of Morality: A Critique of Perry's Naturalism," Tulane Law Review, Vol, 63, No. 6 (1989), pp. 1455-1474; Michael J. Perry, "A Brief Response," Tulane Law Review, Vol. 63, No, 6 (1989), p. 1673 and following; Robert P. George, "Self-Evident Practical Principles and Rationally Motivated Action: A Reply to Michael Perry," Tulane Law Review, Vol. 64, No. 4 (1990), pp. 887-894.  Christopher Kaczor has done a good service by publishing a fine collection of readings by leading proportionalists and their critics.  See, Kaczor, Proportionalism: For and Against (Marquette University Press, 2000).