Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Monday, July 28, 2008

A Christian establishment (?)

In the current issue of America, I review Frank Lambert's Religion in American Politics: A Short History.  You need to be a subscriber to access the entire review, but here's an excerpt:

In the book’s introduction, Lambert explains that a primary argument of the book is “that religious coalitions seek by political means what the Constitution prohibits, namely, a national religious establishment, or, more specifically, a Christian establishment.”  He claims, in fact, that “[w]hatever the grievance, politically active religious groups are inspired by a particular vision of America as a Christian nation.”  These sweeping introductory assertions are belied by the history he so ably recounts.

For example, he explains that Christian groups pushed both sides of an intense debate over the decision to drop atomic bombs on civilian populations in Hiroshima and Nagasaki.  Just after the bombs were dropped, 85 percent of Americans approved of the decision, but over the next two years that percentage dropped to a bare majority.  The debate, in Lambert’s recounting, “triggered a broader discussion of American morals and values.”  The question is, how exactly does a religious coalition formed to challenge (or affirm) the moral propriety of dropping the atomic bomb amount to the seeking of a “religious establishment?”  And on what basis can we conclude that participants in such a coalition are motivated by their belief that America is a “Christian nation?”

Of course there have been many Christians in American history who leap into the public square in order to reclaim our nation’s purportedly Christian heritage or to more closely align state power with Christian identity.  (Roy Moore, the Alabama judge who erected a Ten Commandments monument in the state courthouse, then defied a federal court order to remove it, comes immediately to mind.)  But to suggest that politically engaged Christians are, by definition, inspired by a vision of the “Christian nation” is silly.  Politically engaged Americans of all religious and ideological stripes are inspired by the worldviews that shape their moral convictions and commitments.  As a Christian, my criticism of the decision to drop the atomic bomb is inescapably shaped by the teachings of Christ.  But I do not offer my criticism in order to bring the nation under the authority of Christ’s teaching; I offer it because I want to contribute to the common good. 

Sunday, July 20, 2008

Funding for the Klan?

Assume that the Ku Klux Klan opens a homeless shelter.  The shelter is open to all races.  Hiring is also open to all races, but prospective employees must affirm their belief in the racial superiority of whites. After two years of operation, there have been no complaints from shelter residents, who are not aware that the shelter is operated by the Klan.  (The Klan operates the shelter under another name to avoid controversy.)  Outside experts confirm that the shelter is serving the public well. 

For those who believe (as I do) that a religious organization should be able to hire employees who share the beliefs underlying the organization's mission without jeopardizing the organization's public funding, here's the question: should the Klan, with its racist-only hiring requirements, be eligible for public funding?

UPDATE: I believe that the Klan should be eligible under these circumstances, as does Jonathan Watson, though he adds some limitations based on what the funding allows the organization to do.

New public opinion data on abortion

Quinnipiac University released a new nationwide poll on a variety of political/Supreme Court issues, including gun control, same-sex marriage, and the death penalty.  I was surprised by the decidedly pro-choice tilt of the results:

By a 63 - 33 percent margin, American voters support the 1973 Roe v Wade decision. But Americans remain divided on the issue of abortion:

    • 19 percent say abortion should be legal in all cases;
    • 38 percent say it should be legal in most cases;
    • 24 percent say it should be illegal in most cases;
    • 14 percent say it should be illegal in all cases.

UPDATE: Carter Snead provides data from another recent survey, reflecting how much the wording of a question matters.  (Check out question #19.)

Friday, July 18, 2008

Toward a Catholic Legal Theory of Time?

Rick's question about the possibility of Burkean Christians raises larger questions about our understanding of time.  If we are progressively building the Kingdom in history, does that give us a more meaningful understanding of history than those who are simply "marking time?"  Legal historian Mary Dudziak suggests that time remains woefully undertheorized, but that our presumptions about time have an impact on the law:

In the scholarship on law and war, time is seen as episodic. It is sometimes seen as linear and progressive, but the most common feature is that time is episodic. There are two different kinds of time: wartime and peacetime. Historical progression consists of moving from one kind of time to another. Law is thought to vary depending on what time it is. The relationship between citizen and state, the scope of rights, the extent of government power are thought to depend on whether it is wartime or peacetime.

A central metaphor is the swinging pendulum – swinging from strong protection of rights and weaker government power to weaker protection of rights and stronger government power. Moving from one time zone to the next is thought to cause the pendulum to begin swinging in a new direction.

Maybe the episodic, pendulum-swinging view of history is more consistent with the (Protestant?) emphasis on our fallen condition ("the more things change, the more they stay the same . . .") than with the (Catholic?) confidence that we are actually building something?

Tuesday, July 15, 2008

Ape rights

There has been much buzz about Spain's decision to grant limited rights to apes, much of it favorable.  (Stephen Colbert, it bears noting, was skeptical, insisting the new law better not give apes "the right not to wear a tuxedo and roller skates.")  Two pieces appeared in the New York Times, and William Saletan chimes in on Slate.  An excerpt:

Secular humanists reject this dogma [that humans have souls but animals do not]. We understand that there's something wonderful and uniquely worthy of respect in the power, richness, and subtlety of the human mind. But to us, the soul doesn't explain these wonders. It describes them. That's one reason why the destruction of human embryos doesn't torment us the way it torments pro-lifers. We don't believe in ensoulment at conception. We believe in the gradual development of mental capacities.

This puts us in an awkward position. We call ourselves egalitarians, yet we deny the equality of conceived humans. We believe that a woman deserves more respect than a fetus. A 26-week fetus deserves more respect than a 12-week fetus. A 12-week fetus deserves more consideration than a zygote. We discriminate according to ability.  This is also why ape rights appeals to us. It's not a claim of equality among all animals. It's a claim that apes resemble us in ways that insects don't.

This whole issue raises lots of questions for me: Is a belief in the human soul secularly accessible?  Does it need to be to justify the rejection of animal rights?  Can we embrace animal rights without embracing the corresponding belief that rights are simply a function of demonstrated mental capacity?  Does recognizing the ape's rights make it less likely that we'll recognize the rights of a severely disabled infant (much less fetus)?  My own initial reaction is that, while I would support legislation aimed at minimizing the unnecessary suffering of apes (or other animals whose highly developed mental capacities make them especially vulnerable to pain or loneliness), I would prefer that the legislation be framed in terms of humans' stewardship responsibilities, rather than in terms of animals as rights-bearing agents.  Thoughts?

Monday, July 14, 2008

Colby on the Federal Marriage Amendment and Originalism

Tom Colby has posted a paper that might be of interest to MoJ readers, The Federal Marriage Amendment and the False Promise of Originalism.  Here's the abstract:

This Article approaches the originalism debate from a new angle - through the lens of the recently defeated Federal Marriage Amendment. There was profound and very public disagreement about the meaning of the FMA - in particular about the effect that it would have had on civil unions. The inescapable conclusion is that there was no original public meaning of the FMA with respect to the civil unions question. This suggests that often the problem with originalism is not just that the original public meaning of centuries-old provisions of the Constitution is hard to find (especially by judges untrained in history). The problem is frequently much more fundamental, and much more fatal; it is that there was no original public meaning to begin with. It is a natural consequence of the constitution-making process that a constitutional provision addressing a deeply controversial subject can only be enacted when it is drafted with highly ambiguous language so that, rather than possessing a single original meaning, it appeals to disparate factions with divergent understandings of its terms. As such, the central premise of originalism - that, in Justice Scalia's words, the Constitution was enacted with a fixed meaning ascertainable through the usual devices familiar to those learned in the law - is often inaccurate. And for that reason, the central promise of originalism - that, by relying on an objective, discoverable, fixed constitutional meaning, originalism can prevent judges from subverting democracy and the rule of law by reading their personal values into the Constitution - is a false one.

Larry Solum and Colby debate the paper's claims here.

Thursday, July 10, 2008

Russello on Brownson

Gerald Russello has provided a nice short introduction to the (often overlooked) work of American Catholic political theorist Orestes Brownson.

"It was the room."

At the wonderful religion-and-media blog, Get Religion, there is an interesting discussion of Tim Russert's Catholic faith and how it shaped his journalism, including a recent talk on that topic by NBC anchor Brian Williams and an excerpt of Russert's repeated pushing of Al Gore to answer the question, "When do you believe life begins?"  My favorite quote is from Williams, who said that Russert's faith "was not the elephant in the room.  It was the room."

Sunday, June 29, 2008

Human dignity and the lawyer's role

Over at Legal Ethics Forum, San Diego law prof David McGowan has kicked off an interesting and provocative discussion on the meaning of human dignity (or lack thereof) and the role of moral considerations in the attorney-client relationship.

UPDATE: I responded here; I welcome comments.

Wednesday, June 25, 2008

Are the Gloucester girls a symptom of moral decay or ray of hope?

Writing in Time, Nancy Gibbs asks us to give the Gloucester girls a break, noting that there is conflicting evidence over whether the 17 high schoolers decided together to get pregnant, or whether they decided together to have their babies after learning that they were pregnant.  She also notes:

While 750,000 teens become pregnant every year, that number is at its lowest level in 30 years, according to the Guttmacher Institute, down 36% from a peak in 1990. This does not suggest that we are witnessing a mass moral collapse, especially since abortion rates have fallen even faster. According to the CDC, since the late 1980s the abortion rate for girls 15 to 17 fell by 55%, and this year the overall US abortion rate was at its lowest level since 1974.

So maybe the Gloucester girls are indicative of a larger trend:

I wonder if some soft message has taken hold, when the data suggests that more and more women facing hard choices are deciding to carry the child to term. This has been the mission of the crisis pregnancy center movement, the more than 4000 centers and hotlines and support groups around the country that aim to talk women out of having abortions and offer whatever support they can. If not in Hollywood then certainly in Gloucester, teen parents and their babies face long odds against success in life. Surely they deserve more sympathy and support than shame and derision, if the trend they reflect is not a typical teenager's inclination to have sex, but rather a willingness to take responsibility for the consequences.