Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Monday, January 21, 2013

MLK and the Morality of Legal Practice

If you're looking for a suitable gift for a loved one on MLK Day, I suggest this hot-off-the-presses new book, Martin Luther King Jr. and the Morality of Legal Practice: Lessons in Love and Justice.  Here's the blurb:

This book seeks to reframe our understanding of the lawyer's work by exploring how Martin Luther King Jr. built his advocacy on a coherent set of moral claims regarding the demands of love and justice in light of human nature. King never shirked from staking out challenging claims of moral truth, even while remaining open to working with those who rejected those truths. His example should inspire the legal profession as a reminder that truth-telling, even in a society that often appears morally balkanized, has the capacity to move hearts and minds. At the same time, his example should give the profession pause, for King's success would have been impossible absent his substantive views about human nature and the ends of justice. This book is an effort to reframe our conception of morality's relevance to professionalism through the lens provided by the public and prophetic advocacy of Dr. King.

Friday, December 21, 2012

The NRA: "Be afraid. Be very afraid."

Consider my colleague Greg Sisk's call for us to embrace -- with God's help -- the best in ourselves and our society:

"[A]ttention to moral character and cultural healing is imperative if we take seriously the calling to create the best environment for human thriving.  And, at present, we have ample reason to doubt that American culture is bringing out the best in our people."

Then consider the NRA's call for an armed guard in every school, along with the stark rationale offered by Wayne LaPierre:

The truth is that our society is populated by an unknown number of genuine monsters — people so deranged, so evil, so possessed by voices and driven by demons that no sane person can possibly ever comprehend them. They walk among us every day. And does anybody really believe that the next Adam Lanza isn’t planning his attack on a school he’s already identified at this very moment? How many more copycats are waiting in the wings for their moment of fame . . . while provoking others to try to make their mark? A dozen more killers? A hundred? More? How can we possibly even guess how many, given our nation’s refusal to create an active national database of the mentally ill? And the fact is, that wouldn’t even begin to address the much larger and more lethal criminal class: Killers, robbers, rapists and drug gang members who have spread like cancer in every community in this country. . . .

I call on Congress today to act immediately, to appropriate whatever is necessary to put armed police officers in every school — and to do it now, to make sure that blanket of safety is in place when our children return to school in January.

Is LaPierre asking us to embrace the best in ourselves and our society?  These remarks reflect the power of fear, but they do not reflect a Catholic understanding of engagement with the world.  I have a hard time imagining John Paul II teaching us that the answer to gun violence is more guns because "our society is populated by an unknown number of genuine monsters."  I don't resent gun ownership, but I struggle to reconcile the rhetoric in which gun rights are sometimes embedded -- fear of the other, withdrawing behind the power of the gun, simplistic responses to evil -- with the call of solidarity and the exhortation to "be not afraid."

Thursday, December 20, 2012

The case for guns

I appreciate -- and have learned from -- the comments made in response to yesterday's post about Catholics and gun control.  One category of response is relatively straightforward: this sort of law can't be crafted in a way that will be effective.  I get that, and I'll defer to others with more expertise than I have to sort out that debate.  Two other categories of response intrigue me. 

The first amounts to variations of "owning and shooting weapons like these is a hobby that is highly valued by many Americans."  True enough.  My friends and family members who own guns enjoy them, and I have no doubt that they will continue to use them safely.  But what if a hobby also presents a readily foreseeable likelihood that the misuse of the item on which enjoyment of the hobby is premised will cause widespread death and bodily harm?  Chicago has long banned the sale of spray paint; many cities, including my own, ban its sale to minors.  This has made it more difficult for my 12 year-old daughter to enjoy her hobbies, none of which involve (as far as I can tell) "tagging" the property of others.  I think the spray paint ban is entirely reasonable even though it infringes on others' ability to enjoy their hobbies.  Graffiti presents nowhere near the public problem that gun violence presents.  I'm not saying that the Bushmaster enthusiast's interests carry no weight in the analysis; I'm just skeptical that those interests should carry as much weight as some seem to assert.  (Again, I'm assuming for the sake of this argument that such laws could, in fact, be efficacious in preventing at least some gun violence.)

The second category of response simultaneously looks back to our proud history of rugged American individualism and forward to either a post-apocalyptic or totalitarian future.  It boils down, in my estimation to, "Sometimes you just may need to kill a lot of people in a relatively short time frame."  (How often does a large group of people invade someone's home?)  I am a big fan of Niebuhrian realism, but this line of argument seems to veer into outright cynicism not just about the future of civilization, but also about the Christian's place in it.  Christians should work toward a tolerable justice, of course, but there's a strain of "self-survival at all costs" to this line of argument as well, and I'm not yet sure what to make of that.

Wednesday, December 19, 2012

Catholics and gun control

The shootings in Connecticut have affected the country more deeply than any event since the attacks of 9/11, in my opinion.  They represent an evil that cannot be remedied by any legislation, though legislation may play a role in making such events less common.  I do not want to diminish the horror of last Friday's events by framing our response in strictly legal terms, but we are a Catholic legal theory blog, and the legal debates are now upon us.

I am not a gun owner, and I have never quite gotten my mind around the full-throated defense of gun rights.  (I understand the Second Amendment argument; I'm referring to the various forms of the "any limitation on gun ownership is bad public policy" argument.)  In my view, the NRA has a similar function to NARAL in that both groups make reasoned discourse on the underlying issue more difficult.  I don't believe that there is a "Catholic" position on gun rights, but I do believe that there is a Catholic understanding of freedom that is in considerable tension with the understanding of freedom that seems to animate the arguments of some gun rights advocates.

So here's my question: Why should a Catholic who takes seriously our obligation to cultivate the common good oppose a ban on the sale of assault weapons?  I'll assume the elusiveness of an agreeable "assault weapon" definition -- I understand that's an obstacle, but that does not seem to be the only sort of objection.  I'm interested in the more principled grounds for opposition.  I ask this question in a fully non-snarky way -- I'm not an expert on guns or gun laws, so I would like to be pointed to the best arguments why a Catholic worldview is consistent with the private ownership of guns designed for killing at a high rate of speed. 

Thursday, December 6, 2012

ECFA to IRS: "Hands off the church! (But can you help us out with this Kenneth Copeland character?)"

The Washington Post reports that the Evangelical Council for Financial Accountability (ECFA) has urged the IRS to become more involved in addressing "outlier" ministries that are not otherwise being held financially accountable.  Among the suggestions: ensure that compensation for leaders of nonprofits is "reasonable."  (Please correct me if I'm misreading the actual recommendations, as I've only read the news coverage of the recommendations.)

The ECFA's actions suggest an interesting question: should fans of tax exemptions for churches nevertheless encourage the IRS to crack down on churches that appear to "abuse" the exemption, or is that headed down a dangerous path?  And if the tax exemption reflects a jurisdictional distinction between church and state, should the state have anything to say about how "reasonable" the church leaders' salaries are?

Tuesday, November 27, 2012

Liberty v. Geithner

An interesting development in the ongoing litigation battles over the contraception mandate.

Christ the Stranger: The Theology of Rowan Williams

I've long been fascinated by Rowan Williams, though his writing can be tough to penetrate.  This new book appears to be a helpful guide to his "Lenten theology."  As one reviewer notes:

[P]erhaps there are seasons in the church's earthly pilgrimage in which a theology of Lent requires special emphasis. Maybe the low notes of penitence and apophaticism need, at times, to be sounded more than do the joyous strains of Christmas or Pentecost. If our time is indeed, as Charles Taylor has dubbed it, "a secular age" in which the shiny promises of prosperity and certainty have become impossible for many would-be believers to accept, then perhaps we need a Lenten theology as an antidote. Perhaps we need to be reminded of the difficulty, and not just the clarity, of the gospel we preach. If so, there's no better Lenten theology than that of Rowan Williams.

 

Wednesday, October 24, 2012

If you don't know John Mikhail's work, you should.

For folks interested questions about natural law and natural rights, you really need to be reading John Mikhail.  This paper is a nice entry into his work:

A striking feature of contemporary human rights scholarship is the extent to which it has turned its back on the idea that human rights can grounded in a theory of human nature. Philosophers, social scientists, and political and legal theorists thus frequently assert that the classical Enlightenment project of supplying a naturalistic foundation for human rights is dead. The main purpose of this contribution to a new book of essays on human rights is to rebut this pervasive skepticism. Drawing on recent work in the cognitive science of moral judgment, I defend one of the critical premises of ancient philosophy, Enlightenment Rationalism and the modern human rights movement alike: that human beings are moral and political animals, who are endowed with a moral faculty or sense of justice. The chapter thereby seeks to offer a new perspective on an old and venerable argument about the naturalistic foundation of human rights. . . .

The central aim of the chapter is to [describe] how researchers from a variety of disciplines (including experimental philosophy, developmental and social psychology, cognitive neuroscience, primatology, anthropology, comparative criminal law, and other fields) have begun to converge on a scientific theory of human moral cognition that, at least in its broad contours, bears a striking resemblance to the classical accounts of moral philosophy, natural jurisprudence, and the law of nations that reverberate throughout the ages. These classical accounts typically rest on the claim that an innate moral faculty and with it principles of justice, fairness, empathy, and solidarity are written into the very frame of human nature. These themes were particularly influential during the Enlightenment, when the modern human rights movement first emerged. It is precisely this set of ideas that modern cognitive science, liberated from the crippling methodological restrictions of positivism, behaviorism, historicism, and other discredited theoretical frameworks, has recently begun to explicate and to a substantial extent verify. This new trend in the science of human nature, I suggest, has potentially profound implications for the theory and practice of universal human rights.

Tuesday, October 23, 2012

Anti-Sharia Laws

If you're in or near the Twin Cities tonight, stop by the University of St. Thomas, where Abdulwahid Qalinle and I will be discussing the dangers posed by the anti-Sharia laws that keep popping up in state legislatures around the country.

Monday, October 1, 2012

Forcing a church to pay for its employees' abortions would not create a substantial burden on religious exercise. Discuss.

On Friday, a federal district court in Missouri dismissed in its entirety one of the contraceptive mandate lawsuits, this one brought by Frank O'Brien and O'Brien Industries against HHS.  It is not surprising (to me, anyway) that the free exercise and establishment clause claims were dismissed, as I've never thought those were particularly strong.  I am surprised, though, that the RFRA claim was dismissed under 12(b)(6) for failure to state a claim upon which relief can be granted, as the court categorically rejected the notion "that requiring indirect financial support of a practice, from which plaintiff himself abstains according to his religious principles, constitutes a substantial burden on plaintiff's religious exercise."

A few points worth noting:

First, in this case, the court was faced with the original and most egregious version of the HHS regulations.  Because O'Brien Industries is a for-profit entity, the plaintiffs (the company and its owner) are not entitled to any of the current or promised exemptions.

Second, the court's analysis did not turn on the for-profit status ("[T]his Court declines to reach the question of whether a secular limited liability company is capable of exercising a religion within the meaning of RFRA or the First Amendment."), which means that the court's reasoning would apply equally to Catholic Charities, Belmont Abbey College, or the Diocese of Rockville Centre if those entities were forced to pay for contraceptives or abortifacients in their employee health plans.

Third, the court's reasoning disregarded institutional identity as bearing any relevance to the substantial burden analysis.  The court asserted that "plaintiffs remain free to exercise their religion, by not using contraceptives and by discouraging employees from using contraceptives.  The burden of which plaintiffs complain is that funds, which plaintiffs will contribute to a group health plan, might, after a series of independent decisions by health care providers and patients covered by [O'Brien Industries's] plan, subsidize someone else's participation in an activity that is condemned by plaintiffs' religion." 

Fourth, the court mistakenly conflated free exercise as positive liberty with free exercise as negative liberty.  The court emphasized that "RFRA does not protect against the slight burden on religious exercise that arises where one's money circuitously flows to support the conduct of other free-exercise-wielding individuals who hold religious beliefs that differ from one's own."  In other words, forcing an employer to pay for X does not burden his religious exercise any more than failing to ensure the availability of X would burden the employee's religious exercise.

Fifth, the court quickly dismissed the argument that the huge number of current exemptions precludes a finding that the mandate is generally applicable for purposes of free exercise analysis under Employment Division v. Smith.  ("The exemptions, for grandfathered plans, religious employers, and non-profits under the safe harbor do not undermine the general applicability of the regulations within the meaning of Free Exercise Clause jurisprudence.")

Sixth, the court accepts the equivalency (for "substantial burden" purposes) of paying salaries and paying for particular services under a health plan.  ("Already, [plaintiffs] pay salaries to their employees -- money the employees may use to purchase contraceptives or to contribute to a religious organization.  By comparison, the contribution to a health care plan has no more than a de minimis impact on the plaintiff's religious beliefs than paying salaries and other benefits to employees.")  This misses the scandal that is created by more direct complicity with the illicit ends.  If a Belmont Abbey College employee were to bring the invoice from an abortion provider to work and demand that her employer pay it, is that really the same as using salary to pay the abortion provider?  For purposes of determining whether a government requirement amounts to a substantial burden on the employer's religious exercise, apparently it is.

Finally, if this court is correct in its analysis, then HHS could rewrite the regulations, remove any exemption for religious employers and add abortion to the list of covered services.  The Catholic Church could be forced to pay for its employees' abortions without creating a substantial burden on religious exercise for purposes of RFRA, and that issue would be so straightforward that it could be handled on a 12(b)(6) motion.