Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Wednesday, March 21, 2007

More on Children's Rights

Michael P. raises a good point about the darker side of family life, and my essay is not intended to gloss over the fact that our fallen nature extends to our most intimate relationships.  Indeed, elsewhere in the essay I acknowledge:

A refuge of intimacy and tenderness in a world frequently lacking both, the family has traditionally been shielded from state intrusion that, in deference to parental authority, still shapes American law. And yet every day headlines recount another heartbreaking story of a family that has served not as a refuge from suffering, but as the source of it.

Still, the question is not whether parents are always ideal caregivers, but whether -- and under what circumstances -- the state is better situated than parents to make the judgment about the child's care.  The vast majority of parents are naturally wired to love their kids sacrificially in ways that defy any sort of cost-benefit analysis.  My love for my kids often seems overwhelming, and it is not entirely of my own choosing.  That's the innate depth of parental love on which the family is built.  Without question, that parental love is sorely lacking in some families and is manifested in troubling ways in others, and that's why the prospect of state intervention must be part of the conversation about children's well-being.  But these are exceptions to the rule of nature; my concern with children's rights is their tendency to transform the exception into the rule.

Who Speaks for the Child?

I have an essay in the new issue of Commonweal in which I address the thorny issue of children's rights and push back against the prescriptions of scholars such as James Dwyer and Emily Buss while cautioning against a return to the archaic conception of the child as parental property.  It's only available by subscription, but here's an excerpt:

Ultimately, the tension created by the children’s rights movement is captured in a single question: Whom do we trust to care for the child?  Once the state assumes the authority to speak for a child, what happens if the parents fall into a category of people-for example, drug abusers, prisoners, the mentally incompetent-who tend not to act in a way that is most supportive of a child’s future autonomy?  Under Dwyer’s prescription, these parents would bear the burden of proving their worth before the state permitted them to act as parents. It is not difficult to imagine future calls to expand the category of those presumed to be unfit parents to include individuals who would threaten their child’s autonomy by passing on misogynist or homophobic religious beliefs. When parenthood exists as a creation of the state, the boundaries of state power become difficult to discern.

The state must tread lightly and cautiously whenever it seeks to enlarge its regulatory presence within the family, even when its motivation is noble and its aims laudatory. We cherish the family because it is the social foundation of human experience -- the community where the human person loves most deeply, sacrifices most nobly, and relates most authentically. It is much more than a mere training ground for the future exercise of autonomy, and its value is not readily captured in the language of public norms and legal rights. We would do well to recall the perspective of Catholic social teaching, as expressed in chapter 5 of the Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church: “The family,” it reminds us, “does not exist for society or the state, but society and the state exist for the family.”

Tuesday, March 20, 2007

God and the Anthropological Question

Michael S. asks whether a Christian anthropology provides a truer/richer account of our obligations to each other than does a secular dependency care theory founded on reciprocity.  If our objective is to articulate a moral framework, does it matter whether we are created for a purpose or whether we simply exist by happenstance and assign ourselves a purpose?  Either way, someone can defy that purpose and reject the claimed moral obligation.  The consequences will be more severe if I'm rejecting God's purpose -- whether because of eternal damnation or my failure to realize my own full flourishing -- but does it end the moral inquiry simply because God said it (through the act of creation) rather than John Rawls saying it?  God told Abraham to kill his son -- that command is begging for moral criticism, isn't it?  As H.L.A. Hart wrote:

The moral monster who thinks there is nothing morally wrong in torturing a child except that God has forbidden it, has a parallel in the moralist who will not treat the fact that the child will suffer agony as in itself a moral reason enough.

So does Christianity's advantage over secular theories of justice stem from its recognition of the anthropological implications of our status as created beings -- i.e., that the facts of our natural existence (gender difference, parent-child relationships, etc.) are not accidental, but reflect our creator's intentions?  If so, does the advantage disappear once someone decides to contest the morality of those intentions?

Accommodating Conscience

Notre Dame law prof Julian Velasco responds to my comments on conscience at the cash register:

Let me start by saying that I am a big believer in freedom of conscience.  However, to a large extent, one has to be willing to suffer the consequences of one's moral convictions.  The law should probably make reasonable accommodations, but private parties should not be required (or even expected) to do so.

Clearly, no law should require anyone to handle pork.  However, employers should not be required to make an accommodation for scruples, either.  Of course, employers may choose to make accommodations on their own -- and that's wonderful.  (However, reassignment seems a better course than forcing customers to scan their own groceries.  Just as the employee's scruples should not be forced upon the employer, neither should it be forced upon the customers.)  Similarly, anyone can start their own business and refuse to trade in pork; customers who want pork can go elsewhere.  But one who does not want to handle pork probably should not expect to be able to be a cashier at a grocery store.

I *think* my principle is generalizable.  Thus, the law should not force a pharmacy to carry abortifacients (or other products).  The pharmacy (owner) should be able to decide whether or not it chooses to carry those products.  The employee should take that into consideration when considering employment at a given pharmacy.  A pharmacy that wishes to sell abortifacients should not be required to make an accommodation for pro-lifers any more than a pharmacy that decides not to sell abortifacients should allow a pro-choicer to circumvent the pharmacy's policy.  (Of course, in both cases, the pharmacy should be free to make accommodations if it wishes to.)  And, of course, anyone that is unsatisfied with the local pharmacies' policies has the right to start a new business.

I can see why the law should make accommodations for conscience, but I don't see why private parties should be required to do so.

I agree that we should be more concerned with the state's intrusion on a person's conscience than a private actor's, but much of the law's work in maintaining space for conscience in the public sphere will have to enlist private actors in the effort.  Private employers hold too much power over the lived reality of conscience if they are not constrained by law; I'm not willing to entrust conscience completely to market forces.

Monday, March 19, 2007

More on Conscience at the Cash Register

Last week I noted the controversy over the Muslim cashiers at Target who refused to handle customers' pork purchases.  (They have since been reassigned by the company.)  I asserted that "it would be hard to discern an institutional mission that rises or falls on the requirement that cashiers handle all products."

Antonio Manetti responds:

It's actually not that hard. The act of refusing to touch pork products thus forcing the customer to scan the item herself or call another clerk to do so can be taken by the customer as annoying at best and offensive at worst implication being that contact with 'unclean' food makes one unclean). I wonder how a customer might feel when the checkout clerk effectively proclaims that repugnance to everyone within earshot.

Also, when I go to the store, I don't expect to be subjected to gratuitous moral judgments from checkout clerks. In my opinion, the desire to avoid needlessly annoying or offending customers is a legitimate part of the stores' 'institutional mission'.

I agree that a store could reasonably conclude that customer sentiment weighs in favor of not permitting the objecting Muslims to remain as cashiers.  But in my view, something more than that is required if we're serious about honoring conscience.  (Let's assume for the moment that there aren't other available positions in the company, so the choice is between accommodating the cashiers as cashiers or terminating them.)  When I argue that employers should be empowered to maintain their own moral identities, I contemplate particular moral claims being made by the employer.  I do not mean that an employer should be able to overcome the employee's own moral claims by constructing a moral identity defined only by the negation of the employee's claims.  In other words, if Target wants to define itself as the anti-vegetarianism store (just as some pharmacies have defined themselves in pro-life terms), then talking about institutional mission -- in the way I mean it -- seems appropriate when dealing with these objecting cashiers.  But if the employer's institutional identity consists only of a requirement that cashiers handle all products, that seems akin to identity-by-negation, rather than one grounded in any affirmative claim of moral truth.  There is, of course, a moral dimension to the claim "we value our customer's ability to make their own purchase decisions," but it is so sweeping as to preclude any product-related request for accommodation by the cashier.  I want a person's conscience to be taken seriously in the marketplace; I just want to make sure that institutions still have the ability to function as venues for the common articulation and pursuit of conscience.  I am skeptical that customer autonomy should be sufficient to serve as a categorical trump of contrary moral claims.

Nothing that I've said suggests that employers are helpless to take action if the number of cashiers objecting to certain products becomes so high that accommodation would cause an undue hardship to the employer.  Target is dealing with a relatively small number of objecting cashiers, a single product, and a large pool of non-objecting cashiers who could scan the product without significant disruption to the business.  If this becomes a bigger problem, the analysis could change.

I'm still thinking my way through all this, so I welcome other perspectives on these questions.

Prudence and Professional Identity

If you're interested in an analysis of morality and the judicial role that relies on Catholic social thought to challenge the perspectives of legal luminaries like Robert Cover, Justice Scalia, and (former) Chief Justice Roy Moore, check out my new paper, Professional Identity and the Contours of Prudence.  Here is the abstract:

This article was presented as part of a symposium on Catholic social thought, prudential judgment, and public policy. I use the virtue of prudence as a lens through which to analyze the relationship between conscience and professional identity, asserting that prudence requires a consideration of the context in which an actor's conscience is to be exercised. In many of our current disputes over conscience, our understanding of an actor's context will require an understanding of an actor's professional role. This article will endeavor to elucidate the relevance of prudence to professional role by comparing and contrasting the roles of judges and lawyers. In this context, at least, the contours of prudential judgment are informed by market dynamics: lawyers are market actors; judges are not. The professional's stance toward those whom they serve, and our evaluation of the way in which they serve, will turn on this distinction. The application of principles such as solidarity, subsidiarity, reciprocity, and the common good lead to sharply different conclusions regarding the prudent role of personal moral convictions in the work of a judge versus that of a lawyer.

As always, comments are welcome.

Friday, March 16, 2007

Motive and Religious Education

On the topic of the Prothero essay, Joe Knippenberg makes the interesting point that the student's motive matters in our approach to teaching religion.  If our motivation is to become a better citizen, the outcome of the exploration is going to be much different than if our motivation is to satisfy a deeper existential longing.  So can a perceived need for greater civic virtue ever be a proper ground for "authentic" religious education?

Thursday, March 15, 2007

Templeton Prize

Admirers of the Catholic philosopher Charles Taylor -- whose work on identity is essential to Catholic legal theory, in my view -- will be pleased to know that he has been announced as the recipient of this year's Templeton Prize.  (HT: Open Book)

The Future of Marriage

Yesterday's USA Today profiled David Blankenhorn, who has a new book coming out called The Future of Marriage.  Here's an excerpt from the article:

He may sound like a conservative Christian, but Blankenhorn says he's a liberal Democrat.  "I'm not condemning homosexuality. I'm not condemning committed gay relationships," he says. But "the best institutional friend that children have is marriage, and if grownups make a mess of it, the children are going to suffer."

Wednesday, March 14, 2007

Religious Illiteracy

For those interested in our conversation about teaching religion (see here, here, here), The Washington Post hosted an on-line debate this afternoon between Stephen Prothero and Barry Lynn over whether religion should be taught in public schools.