Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Monday, March 11, 2013

Novel Manuscript by Catholic Author Looking for a Good Home

Like many a law professor, writing a novel has long been an item on my bucket list.  For most of us, that’s just where it stays -– a promise left unfulfilled.  But finding myself at a point somewhat in between projects (with a major empirical study complete and article manuscripts in the editorial pipeline), I determined last year to bring my novel manuscript to completion, given that the story had been outlined ten years before, with various scenes sketched out over the ensuing decade.

The result, “Marital Privilege,” is a novel with distinctly Catholic sensibilities (focusing on devout Catholic mother who struggles to maintain her faith after the death of her child), with connections as well to the legal academy (the main character is, no surprise given the author, a law professor) and the world of law and lawyers (populated by police, prosecutors, defense lawyers, and judges and including courtroom scenes).

While I have no illusion that this novel will become a classic assigned in college literary classes in decades to come, I am pleased with the revised manuscript and encouraged by the enthusiastic responses from test readers.  If and when “Marital Privilege” finds its way into print, I am hopeful it will have a special appeal to the faithful followers of “Mirror of Justice.”

But “finding its way into print” is much easier said than done.  In terms of finding a publisher, I have been following the traditional approach of contacting literary agents, which may yet bear fruit.  I recognize, however, the difficulty of making a connection with a traditional literary agent through cold contacts by a novice author of fiction.  I am also considering regional publishers and other options.

Then I thought of this “Mirror of Justice” community, which has been so generous to me over the many years since its founding.  So I appeal to you for thoughts and possibilities of publication that may not have occurred to me.  If you have an idea of a good home for this manuscript, kindly send it my way at “[email protected]”.

I've pasted below a brief “query” description of the novel, in the style commonly used for initial contacts with literary agents:

 

Nothing could be worse for a mother than to witness the death of her young child -- and then to be used by a politically-ambitious prosecutor who seeks to pin the crime on the woman's own husband.

Candace Klein, a young law professor in the Twin Cities, is one of the lucky ones in her professional life, finding genuine meaning in her work. But her personal life is troubled by a growing distance from her husband, Bill, who languishes in a dead-end job working for her father. Then suffering the horrific loss of her child, Candace grieves and seeks solace in her faith, while the criminal investigation proceeds under the direction of a politically-climbing prosecutor, Robby Sherburne, who pledges to secure the death penalty for a child-killer. Lt. Ed Burton, a suburban cop, works diligently to follow the evidence where it leads. As the evidence accumulates and her husband becomes a target of the investigation, Candace resists becoming the instrument of her husband's condemnation. She relies on the uncertain legal protection of the "marital privilege" to refuse to testify, which ultimately provokes a crisis of identity between her professional commitment to the justice system and her resolute loyalty to her husband.

While offering elements of a mystery, episodes of courtroom drama, and an underlying theme of a woman's struggle to keep faith in the face of tragedy, MARITAL PRIVILEGE may perhaps best be categorized as falling on the line between literary and mainstream fiction.  Although this manuscript was completed before recent tragic events in New England, the story of a mother finding her way after the loss of an innocent may resonate with a wider audience today. The manuscript is complete at 79,000 words.

MARITAL PRIVILEGE is my first foray into law-related fiction. As a law professor holding an endowed university chair, I have published three non-fiction law books with such leading legal publishers as Thomson-West and Foundation Press. I have also published dozens of scholarly articles and other periodical pieces, including many placements in top ten legal journals and reception of the annual Law & Society Best Article Prize.

 

Wednesday, February 27, 2013

Against Calling on Government to Shape Souls

My colleague, Professor Charles J. Reid, Jr., a master wordsmith and prominent scholar of medieval history, has been reborn of late as a vigorous advocate for what he calls “a robust American government.”  In a blog post previously appearing on Huffington Post and now re-published in the winter edition of the St. Thomas Lawyer, Professor Reid calls for a much enlarged federal government with an even larger agenda.

More pointedly, Professor Reid accuses those of us who resist government encroachment of singing a “sickening refrain.”  He labels the Reaganesqe question about the wisdom of reliance on the State as the answer to societal ills as producing “toxic words” that “inject[] poisons into the American body politic.”

Locke-treatisesBecause the American and Lockean tradition of limited government does not deserve Professor Reid’s pejorative as “petty, crankish, small-minded,” I feel compelled to offer a rejoinder.

And because Professor Reid advocates an über-activist vision of national government that he would task for “the betterment of men’s hearts,” I issue a warning about the perils of over-zealous faith in the State.

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Friday, February 22, 2013

Planned Parenthood Lawyer Describing the Weakening of Roe v. Wade as Supreme Court Doctrine

Speaking of Supreme Court precedent and the cause of human life in the courts, the meaningful success of the Pro-Life movement since the darkest days of Roe v. Wade is now confirmed out of the mouth of one of its strongest adversaries.  In a January issue of The National Law Journal, Roger Evans who has been lead counsel or co-counsel for Planned Parenthood in many of the leading Supreme Court cases explains how much the jurisprudential landscape has changed –- against the abortion provider position -– in the decades since Roe v. Wade:

I think it clear that the courts have weakened the doctrinal protections of this right. Indeed, outside the political context, I think we can no longer refer just to Roe, but must refer to Roe/Casey, recognizing that Planned Parenthood v. Casey changed significantly the judicial analysis applicable to this area of the law. Roe/Casey is characterized by increasing deference to so-called state interests at the expense both of the woman's individual liberty interests and of the sanctity of the doctor-patient relationship at least in the context of abortion care.

As Time magazine has recently reported (here), “abortion-rights activists” have been slowly and steadily but almost always losing ever since their victory in Roe v. Wade some forty years ago.  Now is not the time for Pro-Life advocates to lose heart, heed the nay-sayers, and withdraw from the battle, lest we snatch defeat from the jaws of victory.

Monday, February 18, 2013

Pro-Life Progressivism: A Look Back

It is a sign of maturity that the Mirror of Justice has reached a point in its history in which we are circling back to earlier discussions from several yearas ago.  In reading recent posts about the Pro-Life movement and whether it is too strongly connected to conservative or Republican politics and should instead become more affiliated with liberal or Democratic politics, I was reminded of earlier discussions along these lines.  Way back in May of 2005, shortly after attending a Pro-Life Progressive symposium here at the University of St. Thomas School of Law, I posted my thoughts along with those of several others.

In the hope that what I said then may have some continuing relevance for today's discussion, I share a few excerpts from my 2005 post titled "Pro-Life Progressivism: Avoiding the Pitfalls" (the whole post is available here):

As an observer of the Pro-Life Progressive discussion, I was a sympathetic outsider looking in with great interest. I am sympathetic in that I too yearn for a pro-life witness from the political left. I remain an outsider in that I do not agree with every element of the progressive agenda, at least on the means to the ends * * *. I look inside with great interest because of my fervent wish for an ever-larger and diverse witness for life; indeed, because of the powerful message for life that would be sent thereby, I’d be tempted to vote for a genuinely pro-life liberal candidate for public office—even over a conservative of comparable pro-life credentials—despite my doubts about other elements of the progressive platform.

Having thus acknowledged my perspective, and having listened carefully to (most of) the presentations at the symposium, I thought I identified three potential dangers that could undermine Pro-Life Progressivism as an authentic pro-life movement.

First, a few participants exhibited an unseemly tendency to depreciate the value of electing pro-life candidates to office and to denigrate pro-life accomplishments. The argument that pro-life candidates (at least of the Republican variety) abandon the anti-abortion cause once elected to office is overstated, objectively false, begs the question of why offering progressive pro-life candidates would serve any practical purpose, and often appears to be a thinly-veiled excuse for ignoring even the most egregious of pro-abortion records of liberal candidates so as to justify casting votes for them.

One of course can and should criticize Republican leaders who sometimes fail to place pro-life issues on the front-burner and fully exercise the bully pulpit of public office to speak against the culture of death. But one legitimately can urge even more attention to the scourge of abortion without denigrating hard-fought victories for the pro-life movement. We must recognize that the battle for life will be won mostly through small successes that build upon each other.

At the federal level, pro-life members of Congress have been able to enact a prohibition on the grisly practice of partial birth abortion and continue to fend off the persistent efforts of the pro-choice left to subsidize abortion-on-demand through federal spending. * * * At the state level, pro-life legislative successes continue to multiply, from ensuring greater information to women in trouble, protecting the rights of parents, and providing easier access to alternatives to abortion. While these pro-life successes are not yet the bountiful harvest for which we all pray, the basket is by no means empty.

If those who claim to be building a pro-life progressive movement belittle the hard work of those who for many long years have labored hard in the political vineyard and reaped many victories over the concerted opposition of the party that claims to speak for progressives, this newly-formed progressive voice simply will not be in solidarity with the pro-life movement as a whole.

Second, while some participants persuasively argued that Pro-Life Progressives are better situated to seek common ground with skeptics on the question of life, including those on the pro-choice side, such fora for dialogue must be entered with caution lest they be abused by abortion advocates who disguise themselves or their agenda. The dialogue must be conducted with integrity and always with fidelity to the cause of life. * * *

More than one participant in the symposium emphasized that, while constituting a welcome beginning, changes in the rhetoric on abortion by certain liberal political figures must be accompanied by meaningful action. While the action that should be expected was not made concrete (which brings me to my third concern below), it at least indicated that more than one member of the Pro-Life Progressive movement is attuned to the risk I describe above.

Third, the Pro-Life Progressive movement, while presenting itself both as a sincere opponent of abortion and broadly progressive on economic and international matters, seemed rather short on specifics about how to advance the pro-life cause beyond words. Indeed, more than one speaker raised doubts about whether anti-abortion legislation—with the eventual goal of prohibiting any violent taking of unborn human life—ought to be pursued.

All of us agree that the culture must be changed if we are to realize our hope of one day placing abortion alongside slavery and genocide as universally-acknowledged intrinsic evils. Moreover, some of us will be called to devote our time and talents to reaching hearts and minds, rather than to engaging with politicians and judges. But the pro-life movement as a whole cannot stand by and fail to take such action as is possible now. We must save as many lives as we can today, even if limited restrictions on abortion and enhancement of alternatives are all that can be legislatively achieved at present.

Interestingly, the same symposium participants who were quick to dismiss pro-life Republicans as inconsequential based upon a supposedly inadequate legislative agenda were also the ones who seemed most reluctant to forthrightly endorse legal constraints on abortion as part of the new movement’s platform. If this cognitive dissonance is rooted in an underlying timidity about pro-life politics or an unwillingness to unite with other pro-life activists across the political spectrum in seeking always to accomplish whatever is politically possible, then it will be difficult for this new movement to sustain itself as truly pro-life as well as progressive. * * *

I do not mean to suggest that any one of the three dangers mentioned above, much less all three in concert, were manifested in a dominating way at the Pro-Life Progressivism symposium. But each emerged from time to time. Nor do I think it inevitable that the Pro-Life Progressive movement will succumb to these temptations. Any nascent political movement will be less than fully formed and internally coherent at its birth. Mapping the pitfalls, so that they may be avoided, ought to be welcomed as advancing the cause.* * *

If Pro-Life Progressivism is truly to be a fourth political alternative in the country (along with conservatism, libertarianism, and secular liberalism), then it must be authentically pro-life as well as genuinely progressive. Should it succeed in becoming a viable part of the political landscape, while remaining true to its pro-life soul, we all would have great cause to rejoice.

Greg Sisk

Friday, February 8, 2013

The Diversity, Dynamism, and Wide Open Heart of the Pro-Life Movement

Pro-Lifers can chew gum and walk at the same time.  Honestly!

The wonderful men, women, and increasing numbers of teenagers involved in the Pro-Life movement witness to the sanctity of human life at all its stages in an amazing diversity of ways.

They rally together to provide a public witness of solidarity with the unborn.

They provide educational opportunities to draw attention to the scandal of hundreds of thousands of unborn children being snuffed out before birth.

They create, support, and volunteer with crisis pregnancy centers to provide services to women in difficult situations to bring their unborn child into the world and then to carry mother and child forward to thrive in our society.

And, yes, some participate in political campaigns of pro-life candidates (of both political parties) at the national and state level.  Or they may work with organizations to endorse and support pro-life candidates for elective office.  Those who have been in the “political trenches” of this battle well know the challenges, the difficult calls, and the nuances involved when anyone, especially people of faith, turn to the democratic process to promote a particular cause.

Still others focus on the legislative process, at both the national and the state level.  They draft, debate, and lobby for legislative initiatives —

* to ensure that those faced with a difficult situation are informed about the options for bringing an unborn child to birth and about the development of the child in the womb,

* to reverse the exclusion of parents from interactions between their pregnant daughters and those affiliated with abortion clinics and the abortion industry,

* to prevent late-term abortions (the modern American form of infanticide), or

* to carve out adequate space in our society for individuals and mediating institutions to uphold their values without being required to follow conflicting government mandates.

And some Pro-Lifers advocate in the courts to uphold legislation that protects unborn life and upholds informed consent.  Or they defend the rights of citizens, churches, and organizations to stand up on behalf of life and not be forced to subsidize abortion.

From time to time, someone may lose heart and advise that Pro-Lifers involved with the electoral process, with legislative bodies across the nation, or with the judicial process should surrender that calling and withdraw from the political or the legislative or the legal arena.  But, thank God, that’s not going to happen.

Those directly involved in the Pro-Life movement well understand that they cannot in good conscience abandon the field the political and legal field to those who advocate —

* public funding of abortions,

* removal of all restrictions on even late-term abortions,

* requiring even Catholic medical schools to provide instruction in performing abortions as a condition of accreditation,

* demanding that even Catholic hospitals open facilities to performing abortions as a condition of state or local approval, and

* demanding that religious-based institutions offer abortion pills through their insurance coverage of employees.

Some of these frightening proposals are being pursued aggressively right now by "Reproductive Rights" advocates, although Pro-Life lawyers, officials, and activists through tireless efforts hold back the tide (to a greater or lesser extent).  Some of these options may seem unlikely, but the abortion industry and its supporters are pressing hard at every turn, laying the foundation for these initiatives, and would gladly fill the policy vacuum if Pro-Lifers deserted their posts.

Importantly, these legal, legislative, or political efforts hardly come at the expense of the Pro-Life movement’s consistent witness to the culture, educational efforts to respect human life, and volunteer work with pro-life charitable organizations could have displayed a rich tapestry of changing hearts and transformed lives.  Pro-Lifers can multi-task.

In our own St. Paul-Minneapolis archdiocese, the “Respect Life Outreach works to promote respect for human life from conception to natural death, to bring about a conversion of heart and mind to be open to God’s special gift of life.”  Through this and related programs in the Catholic community in the Twin Cities, there is a vibrant Pro-Life effort, reaching out to and involving young people, especially in the Catholic high schools, who in turn are spending time working with those in need in crisis pregnancy centers and elsewhere.  Public policy advocacy is but a small part of that overall effort — and none of it involves political election campaigning.

In sum, our colleagues in law schools and the legal profession, our students, our families, and our friends who give sacrificially of their time, energy, talents, and money to advance the cause of human life have wonderful and inspiring stories to tell us of legal obstacles to protection of life being brought down, both hearts and minds being changed, people served with compassion, and unborn lives saved — through the work of every sector of a multi-dimensional movement.

Those who have given their hearts to the Pro-Life movement reflect the great strength and diversity — both in political perspectives and operational mission — within that movement.  Take the time today to thank someone you know who is working tirelessly in this mission for life.

Friday, January 25, 2013

Our Nation’s Crushing Debt as a Moral Hazard

For most of us as Catholics, we probably associate “stewardship” with that time of the year when the priest or parish council ask us to commit to making contributions to the parish for the coming year.

Stewardship is not only about giving money away, but about making wise use of the resources to which we are entrusted.  And an essential part of that stewardship is to preserve resources for use by the next generation.  As a nation, we are failing that responsibility — and failing miserably.

National-debt-burden-606Each person in America today — every man, woman, and child — owes more than $30,000 in national debt.  And it will only get worse, rising above $100,000 per person over the next two decades.

If nothing is changed — indeed if there is not dramatic change — the next generation will drown beneath a sea of the debt.

Simply put, America faces no greater danger today than the crushing national debt.  No greater threat to a secure safety net for all Americans exists than the uncontrolled growth in entitlements, which eventually will crowd out all other discretionary spending and, in any event, is itself unsustainable.  No greater obstacle to prosperity for the next generation of Americans is before us than leaving them with the bill for out-of-control federal spending.

But you wouldn’t know it from hearing President Obama’s inaugural speech this week.  He could barely spare a word for the deficit, other than to argue against any meaningful spending cuts and apparently pledging his vociferous opposition to any reform of Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid.

And you wouldn’t know it from President Obama’s concerted actions since the election, as he has steered away from the balanced approach that he promised during the campaign.  Yes, President Obama campaigned for higher taxes on higher-income individuals.  But he promised to combine tax increases with spending reductions.  When the fiscal cliff approached, however, President Obama demanded only tax increases while refusing to agree to any limits on spending.

Immediately following the election, I was optimistic that President Obama would seize this opportunity to move toward meaningful reform of entitlements and to arrest runaway deficits.  As I wrote here on Mirror of Justice, I thought that he would want to be remembered as a President who got the nation’s fiscal house in order, rather than the President who bankrupted the country.  The President appears determined to prove me wrong.

Growth-federal-spending-revenue-606Commenting on the inaugural address, Peter Wehner at Commentary writes:

He is fully at peace with running trillion dollar deficits as far as the eye can see. He not only won’t lift a finger to avoid America’s coming debt crisis; he will lacerate those who do.

In the end, though, President Obama’s concern for the less fortunate is at war with his insouciance about trillion dollar deficits:

* The greatest opportunity for those of lower-income and the strongest hope for a secure safety net is a growing national economy.  The huge national debt is a constant downward pressure on the economy, suppressing growth below what it otherwise would be and leaving more Americans unemployed (and underemployed) and incomes stagnant.  A weaker economy also means greater demands on social services with fewer resources available to meet those demands.

* This year, the United States is projected to spend $224 billion of taxpayer money for interest on the national debt.  With President Obama’s deficit spending, the interest due will more than double to $524 billion in a decade.  That’s more money than the federal government spends on education, transportation, veterans affairs, etc.  And that’s money not available to help anyone or strengthen any social welfare program.  Think of what we could accomplish today if we could use that money, instead of transferring it to China and other holders of American debt beyond our shores.

* The Obama trillion-dollar deficits are simply not sustainable.  Unless entitlements are reformed, and President Obama has signaled retreat from his earlier acknowledgment that such reform is essential, we will reach a point in which the government has no money left to spend on any programs other than Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid.  The current projection is that we’re only about twenty years away from a situation where all federal revenues are consumed by these three programs, as they are further extended by Obamacare. 

* When the day of reckoning arrives on the national debt, the poor will be in the most vulnerable position.  When the desperate scramble comes over the shrinking revenues available for anything other than entitlements and interest on the national deficit, the poor and disabled and otherwise disadvantaged are likely to end up on the short end.

President Obama hopes to be remembered for enhancing social justice and equality.  I have no doubt that he is sincere in that hope.  But unless he faces fiscal reality and becomes an energetic advocate for entitlement reform and deficit reduction, he instead will be remembered for his out-of-control spending and doubling the national debt during his time in office.  This period in American history will be held up as an object lesson for reckless spending and economic delusion, likely followed by an era of severe economic and fiscal retrenchment that maydepress the American dream for a generation.

There is still time for President Obama to show leadership and secure his social justice vision by meaningful entitlement reform and reduction of deficit spending.  Based on the President’s words and actions since election day, I am no longer sanguine about the prospects.

Tuesday, January 8, 2013

Planned Parenthood: A Record Year

Requests for contraceptive services apparently are in decline at Planned Parenthood.  And Planned Parenthood has decreased its cancer screening services by nearly a third. But public funding for Planned Parenthood continues to go up.  As do abortions.

While Planned Parenthood set a record for the last fiscal year in pulling in half-a-billion dollars from the taxpayers -- amounting to nearly half of its funding -- it has been downsizing services other than termination of pregnancies (here).  During the past three years alone, the nation's largest abortion provider has snuffed out the lives of a million unborn babies.

The Pro-Life movement may be winning hearts and minds (here).  And praise God for His mercy in drawing the young people to Him.

In the meantime, we must not forget the grim reality that daily "terminates" innocent lives in abortion clinics around this country -- nearly a thousand littles ones destroyed each day in Planned Parenthood clinics, as that organization draws in hundreds of millions in taxpayer funds with the support of its primary patron in the White House.  The Obama years are proving to be the most lucrative for the abortion industry.

Mary, Mother of God, pray for us.

Thursday, January 3, 2013

Time Magazine: Pro-Life Movement is Winning!

Timemag

We may lose some political battles, such as the re-election to the White House of the most pro-abortion candidate ever nominated by a major party, but the pro-life cause is winning the war by changing the hearts and minds of our young people.

In this Time issue, Emily Buchanan writes:

Not only does this young generation of pro-life women shun the notion that abortion somehow liberates women; it views abortion as the civil- and human-rights cause of our day.

For more on this very important issue of Time, from a pro-life perspective, see here.

 

 

Thursday, December 20, 2012

Changing Not Only Laws, But Hearts

Trying to climb this mountain of wickedness is like trying to climb a glass wall with your bare hands. What happened there is pure evil, and evil, unlike common badness, gives an ordinary mind no foothold.

Megan McArdle, Daily Beast (Dec. 17, 2012).

Now that a decent interval has been observed since the atrocity in Connecticut, the members of our Mirror of Justice family — as people of faith and well-educated legal scholars — are asking “what do we do now?”

Many have proposed new gun-control laws or increased funding for mental health care as the answer.  I am willing to support every reasonable proposal in that regard — and likely would refrain from objecting to quite a few less-than-reasonable proposals.  I do fear, however, that too many are deluding themselves if they really believe that a truly effective and comprehensive political or legal solution is feasible.  What happened in Connecticut — and elsewhere — may or may not represent a failure of law and politics.  But such atrocities surely do reflect a failure of character and culture.

Encouraging moral deliberation in our society and being committed to changing the American culture of death is much more difficult work than passing a new set of laws or initiating or expanding government spending programs.  Our mission cannot be quantified by a check-list; it is more painstaking and demands more of us personally than a political campaign or legislative agenda; it insists that we be patient, perhaps never knowing in this life how the seeds we plant will grow.

Fortunately, that harder — and more important — work connects directly to our particular vocation as people of faith teaching future problem-solvers, policy advocates, legislators and judges, and community leaders and, for most of us, doing so in an environment where faith and moral reasoning are valued and lived out each day.

With respect to the immediate political or legal proposals, Professor James Alan Fox writes in the Chronicle of Higher Education this week:

Sensible gun laws, affordable mental-health care, and reasonable security measures are all worthwhile, and would enhance the well being of millions of Americans. We shouldn’t, however, expect such efforts to take a big bite out of mass murder. Of course, a nibble or two would be reason enough.

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Monday, December 17, 2012

A Prayer for the Holy Innocents

During this time of Advent in 2012, so many of us as faithful Christians are finding it painfully difficult to experience the Joy of the Season, when others are lost in such grief.  While we prepare to celebrate the birth of a child, we are heart-broken by the loss of so many children.

Yet, it was the same at the beginning of our Christian faith, two millennia ago.  The Nativity of our Lord, which we celebrate on December 25, is closely followed in the liturgical calendar by the Feast of the Holy Innocents, which we commemorate on December 28.

Having been deceived by the Magi as to where and when the Messiah would be born, King Herod in a desperate and wicked attempt to remove any rival to his throne ordered that all the male infants in Bethlehem should be killed.  Matthew 2:16.  This horrific event had been prefigured by the similar massacre of the innocents at the birth of Moses.  Exodus 1:15-17.

The-holy-innocents

The words of the Gospel of Matthew, recalling the prophecy of Jeremiah, are especially poignant today:

A voice was heard in Ramah, sobbing and loud lamentation; Rachel weeping for her children, and she would not be consoled, since they were no more.

Yet, even in the midst of such sadness, hope prevailed.  As the evil of sin and the wages of a depraved culture were revealed by this unspeakable wrong committed against the innocents, the Christ child shows us another way of love.  As the Gospel of John writes of the coming of the Christ:  "The light shines in the darkness, and the darkness has not overcome it."

And so I echo the thoughtful words of Kevin Lee in the post below, "tomorrow, perhaps, we can return to educating [our children] in our faith, our morals, and the best of our traditions."

In an earlier version of the Roman ritual, this prayer is offered for the Feast of the Holy Innocents:

Let us pray. O Lord, Jesus Christ, Who didst embrace and lay thy hands upon the little children when they came to thee, and didst say to them: "Suffer little children to come unto me, and forbid them not, for the kingdom of heaven is theirs, and their angels always see the face of my Father," — look with a Father's eye upon the innocence of these children and their parents' devotion, and bless them this day through our ministry. By thy grace and goodness let them make progress in desiring thee, loving thee, fearing thee, obeying thy commandments — thus coming to their destined home, through thee, Saviour of the world, Who with the Father and the Holy Spirit livest and reignest, God, forever and ever. Amen.