Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Monday, February 23, 2004

Kulturkampf in the Backwaters: Abstract

On the sidebar, I have added a link to my article, Kulturkampf in the Backwaters: Homosexuality and Immigration Law, which looks at a) the attempts to gain "family reunification" immigration benefits for same-sex partners and b) the granting of asylum to those who have been prosecuted/persecuted on the grounds of sexual orientation and/or homosexual conduct. This article does not explicitly contain a Catholic perspective (and there are no citations to Catholic sources), but it implicitly proceeds from a Catholic anthropology. Even though this article is silent on religion, some in the immigration scholar's community who liked my bibical reflection in Who is My Neighbor? (also linked on the right), cautioned me that publishing it would damage my attempt to get religious viewpoints taken seriously in the field.

To my fellow bloggers: Any thoughts on when the Catholic viewpoint ought to remain implicit and when it ought to be made explicit?

Sunday, February 22, 2004

Abstract: Who is My Neighbor?

You will find a link to my article, Who is My Neighbor: An Essay on Immigrants, Welfare Reform, and the Constitution, on the right hand side of this page. This article, which was my first attempt to write explicitly about Catholic Social Thought and the law, uses the Welfare Reform Act of 1996 as an occasion to explore how our constitutional community ought (from a Christian perspective) to act towards the aliens among us. It concludes with a short meditation on the Book of Ruth.

Thursday, February 19, 2004

Trousered Apes: Abstract

I have added a link on the sidebar to my essay Producing Trousered Apes in Dwyer's Totalitarian State. This essay reviews James Dwyer's book Vouchers Within Reason: A Child Centered Approach to Education Reform (Cornell 2001). Dwyer argues that vouchers for religious schools are both constitutionally and morally required so that the state can step in and regulate religious schools in order protect children from the educational and psychological harm inflicted on the young by religious (specifically Catholic and fundamentalist) schools and parents.

In this essay, I take Dwyer to task on three grounds. 1) Dwyer's project fails under the weight of his own criteria for a proper education because he refuses to consider "the full range of human interests and moral and legal considerations at stake" in formulating an educational policy. Specifically, he rejects the spiritual realm and dismisses the role of the family and intermediary institutions in forming the cultural life of the community. 2) Dwyer envisions a liberal version of a totalitarian state where the sole voice in educating the young is a secularist state. 3) Dwyer's educational method is fundamentally flawed and is aimed at producing what C.S. Lewis called trousered apes.

Dwyer wants children to be educated for freedom, and he thinks this requires freedom from what he views as oppressive religious communities. I close the essay by suggesting an alternative education for freedom, rooted in a Catholic anthropology. In proposing this alternative, I borrow heavily from Luigi Guissani (The Risk of Education), Jacques Maritain (Education at the Crossroads), and C.S. Lewis (The Abolition of Man).

Monday, February 16, 2004

Moral Objectivity and the Legislature: A Comment On Prof. Barnett's Quote

Rick’s February 11 post (“Legislative Moralism”) asks his fellow bloggers to comment on Professor Randy Barnett’s assertion that “a legislative judgment of ‘immorality’ means nothing more than that a majority of the legislature disapproves of this conduct.” (from Barnett’s working paper, “Justice Kennedy’s Libertarian Revolution”).

This quote seems to assume that the rightness or wrongness of certain actions is measured only by the subjective tastes and preferences of private individuals and groups. And, if morality cannot be judged by objective criteria, then we are hard pressed to justify vesting the majority with the authority to impose its own subjective morality on society through legislation.

There are several practical problems with this approach. Who counts as a rights bearer or a member of the community entitled to equal respect and dignity? An African-Americans held in slavery? A three month old fetus? An eight month old fetus? A two month old child? My elderly father? A dog? And, how do we decide who counts? Can (or should) the majority impose its own view of who counts on the rest of society? Also, what constitutes “amoral” harm that would justify majority interference with the preferences of the minority? Is adult incest “harmful?” What about beating a dog (assuming the dog is not a right’s bearing individual)? What about adult-child sex? People will and do disagree about what constitutes harm. If there are no objective criteria for preferring one person’s moral vision over another’s, are there objective criteria for preferring one person’s conception of membership or harm to another’s?

At a deeper level, underlying Barnett’s quote are liberal individualist anthropological assumptions. A Catholic perspective proposes an alternative anthropology, suggesting that there is an objective reality about the human person, that there are objective rights and wrongs, and that it is sometimes the responsibility of the state to step in and restrict objectively wrong or “immoral” behavior. To quote and paraphrase Rick, “in the Catholic tradition of moral realism, … ‘immorality’ has been thought to signal more than (mere) disapproval.” Calling something immoral means that is it is objectively disordered; that it will not and cannot lead to our own good or the good of the community. In other words, while the immoral act might lead to a short-term and deep-felt gratification, it will not lead to our long-term or true happiness.

So for example, a parent spending much needed grocery money on alcohol (to numb the pain of financial worry) or lottery tickets (to indulge the fantasy of relieving the financial stress) is acting in a way that is destructive to a) the parent, b) the children, and c) the community.

Whether we ought to legislate to restrict the immoral act is a separate question, one that depends on the prudential judgment of the legislator. The legislative majority might decide against legislation to restrict the objectively immoral act because the legislation would be hard to enforce, because it would involve the state in policing the elusive boundary between legitimate and illegitimate expenditure of a family’s funds, and/or because leaving the individual free to make his own decision (for good or ill) will more likely lead to his own moral growth. But, the legislature might decide, for instance, to ban the lottery in a particular state so as to relieve certain members of vulnerable populations of the temptation to indulge the get rich quick fantasy at the expense of their families. Whether or not the legislature acts in this hypothetical, the community can rightly judge the behavior as immoral - and this is more than a signal of (mere) disapproval. It is instead, a signal that the individual is acting in an objectively disordered way.

Tuesday, February 10, 2004

Anthropology and the Structures of Injustice

I agree wholeheartedly with Vince that we are called "to confront structures of injustice through radical commitment to Christian love and the common good, grounded in the God-given dignity of the human person." This will often take the form of direct action through work with immigrants, the poor, the homeless, the prisoner and by our witness of Christian love "by refusing to acquiesce in social, legal, and politcal structures that debase and dehumanize certain human beings."

A (maybe THE) major structure of injustice in our society is a malformed anthropology, which provides the foundation for many of the other structures of injustice. The most prevalent anthropological assumption in our culture today is a form of secularist liberal individualism, which marginalizes and privatizes the transcendent and the good while exalting the individual as its own god --the maker of its own history and destination. In this sort of society (our society), Vince's call to pursue the "common good" becomes incoherent because "the good" is not held in common. All that is left is the power of the state to play traffic cop between competing conceptions of private good.

We cannot force someone to accept our anthropology - our understanding of what it means to be human - but I think (like Rick) that there is good reason to raise the question and also hope (not to be confused with optimism) that this anthropological perspective will resonate with others. More on these two points later ...