Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Friday, May 6, 2005

CONSERVATIVE CHRISTIAN LAW SCHOOLS

That's what the NPR website calls the school to which Rob Vischer is migrating, and where Tom Berg is already well settled.  Click here.  Rob, Tom:  True/false?

At a Glance:

Conservative Christian Law Schools

Regent University School of Law: Founded by televangelist Pat Robertson, Regent University School of Law was established in 1986 as a full-time, three-year law program. It gained full accreditation from the American Bar Association (ABA) in 1996 -- the first religiously conservative law school to do so. Today, 500 students attend the school. Students come from 44 states, over 413 colleges and universities and numerous foreign countries.

"The number one distinction in our school is teaching from a religious perspective; faith impacts what we do in the classrooms." -- Dean Jeff Brauch

Liberty University School of Law: Televangelist Jerry Falwell founded Liberty University in Lynchburg, Va., in 1971 as a fundamentalist Baptist university. The law school welcomed its first students in the fall of 2004 and is working towards provisional accreditation from the ABA. Currently, 56 students from 22 states and one foreign country (India) attend the school.

"Liberty University School of Law is founded upon the premise that there is an integral relationship between faith and reason, and that both have their origin in the Triune God." -- Liberty's Web site

University of St. Thomas School of Law: The Catholic-affiliated University of St. Thomas Law School is based in Minneapolis, Minn. It was founded in 1885 by Archbishop John Ireland. The Great Depression forced the law school to close in 1933, but it reopened in 1999. The School of Law is provisionally accredited by the ABA. It has presented a plan to achieve accreditation within three years.

"Our mission is inspired by Catholic social thought, the Catholic Church's historical commitment to advancing social justice, particularly helping those who are most in need of our assistance." -- St. Thomas' Web site

Ave Maria School of Law: Located in Anne Arbor, Mich., Ave Maria School of Law opened its doors in 2000. The school was founded by devout Catholic Thomas S. Monaghan, founder of Domino's Pizza. Students from 43 states and 125 universities enrolled for the 2004-2005 school year. On May 2, 2005, the ABA gave a recommendation of full accreditation to Ave Maria School of Law. The school will receive final word from the ABA in August 2005.

"We want to equip students with an understanding of the underpinning that supports the law, and an appreciation for the philosophy and the moral dimensions of the law." -- Associate Dean for External Affairs Michael Kenney

Web Resources

Monday, May 2, 2005

Catholics (and Other Believers) in Politics

Sightings  5/2/05

This Side of Theocracy
-- Martin E. Marty

In last week's U.S. News & World Report, Michael Barone reassured readers that the United States is not "headed toward a theocracy ....  [W]hether the United States is on its way to becoming a theocracy is actually a silly question" ("Faith in Our Future?" April 25, 2005).  He went on to claim that religion is a more up-front public and political item than it was a few years ago -- something Sightings consistently points out.  He then delivers a low blow, charging that secular liberalism in Europe produced non-benign offspring, namely, "fascism and communism [which] destroyed millions of lives before they were extinguished."  Meanwhile, "we" are religious and therefore benign.  That verbal swing aside, Barone is correct: We are probably not destined to become the predominantly secular society that liberals foresaw.

Among the reflexive minimizers of threats to a long-vibrant republic, I am also cautious about applying the term "theocracy" to where we are directly headed, but not assured by Barone's word that "no religion is going to impose laws on an unwilling Congress or the people of this country."  Is that how it would work?  For example, the vast majority of Americans want more legislation against assault rifles and other military-level armament now easily available.  But one of America's religions, ritualized and represented by the National Rifle Association, effectively lobbies and controls legislatures, "imposing laws."  Why?  Few running for office want to risk losing 10 percent of their potential supporters over guns.

That's how the system works, and it's quite legal.  What the people who whisper or shout "theocracy!" worry about is the power of religious minorities to lobby, form political combinations, gain access to legislators, and the like -- to "impose laws."  Again, this is all basically legal.  What does one do in the face of this potential, which is short of theocracy but acts "in the name of God" -- a God whose will such factions clearly know, and on whose claims they have a monopoly?

One response comes from deep in our past, in the optimistic Madisonian Federalist Paper X: "... a religious sect may degenerate into a political faction in a part of the Confederacy; but the variety of sects dispersed over the entire face of it must secure the national councils against any danger from that source ....." Federalist Paper LI asserts: "In a free government, the security for civil rights must be the same as that for religious rights.  It consists in the one case in the multiplicity of interests, and in the other in the multiplicity of sects.  The degree of security in both cases will depend on the number of interests and sects ....."

In recent months, voices have risen from others among "the multiplicity of sects" -- "others" referring to those who are less often heard and seen in headlines and on prime-time than those who really do pitch for a theocracy as their ultimate goal.  The revived responders had been passive, caught off guard, perhaps weary from their battles decades ago when they had a voice and used it.  If they now reenter the fray, this mix of many Catholics, Jews, Protestants, evangelicals, and religious experimenters who are so often written off as "secularists" may help pose a more representative array of religious voices -- and, be assured, they will take their knocks.  That's politics, still this side of theocracy.

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Sightings comes from the Martin Marty Center at the University of Chicago Divinity School.

Thursday, April 28, 2005

Benedict XVI

[MOJ readers may be interested in following the link below.]

Pope Benedict XVI on the Church's Role in Public Life

The Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life has collected a variety of resources on Pope Benedict  XVI's views on public policy issues. The resources include links to his homilies and other writings on such issues as social justice, the participation of Catholics in political life, proposals to give legal recognition to same-sex unions, and the role of women in public life.   

Learn more about Pope Benedict's opinions on religion and public life.

_________________________

Michael P.
            

Wednesday, April 27, 2005

Catholicism, Death, and Modern Medicine

Lisa Sowle Cahill, as many of you know, is a distinguished professor of theology at Boston College.  In the April 25th issue of America, she has an essay titled Catholicism, Death, and Modern Medicine.  One has to be a subscriber to access the piece.  An excerpt follows:

The Ethical and Religious Directives for Catholic Health Care Services, published by the U.S. Bishops (fourth edition, 2001), maintain the same: “Disproportionate means are those that in the patient’s judgment do not offer a reasonable hope of benefit or entail an excessive burden, or impose excessive expense on the family or the community.” The directives go on to stipulate: “There should be a presumption in favor of providing nutrition and hydration to all patients, including patients who require medically assisted nutrition and hydration, as long as this is of sufficient benefit to outweigh the burdens involved to the patient.”

Over the past several years, different theologians, bishops and bishops’ conferences have offered differing views about whether and when artificial nutrition should be considered an extraordinary or disproportionate means. The issue is particularly difficult in the case of persons who are comatose or in a “persistent vegetative state,” and hence unable to perceive their own condition, suffer consciously or consciously appreciate the prospect of extended life. Ultimately, the question is whether extended life in a state of permanent unconsciousness is a benefit or a burden to human dignity. A related question is whether the interests of others—either family members or others who lack access to medical resources—should be relevant in determining whether a means is “disproportionate” for a given patient, especially since traditional sources relate the welfare of the individual patient to family and communal relationships.

Those who demanded that Terri Schiavo be maintained indefinitely by artificial hydration and nutrition disputed the consensus of reliable medical experts that her condition was permanent; claimed that continued life would be a benefit no matter what its condition; asserted that her parents’ interest in keeping her alive should be determinative; presented the withdrawal of artificial nutrition as “starvation” and “murder”; presented Ms. Schiavo as an innocent victim who deserved better protection from society, the courts and the law; and placed her case at the top of a “slippery slope” toward the murder of other disabled or disadvantaged members of society.

The debate about whether the use of medically assisted nutrition and hydration is mandatory in such cases was not clearly resolved by a speech on the subject by John Paul II in March 2004. (Although the identity of the author has been debated, it was almost certainly not the pope himself.) In this talk, “Life-Sustaining Treatments and Vegetative State,” he said that affected persons have “the right to basic health care.” He asserted “the administration of water and food, even when provided by artificial means, always represents a natural means of preserving life, not a medical act.” Its use “should be considered, in principle, ordinary and proportionate, and as such morally obligatory,” as long as it is “providing nourishment to the patient and alleviation of his suffering.” He referred to withdrawal as “starvation” and “euthanasia by omission.”

While some applauded this speech as an important step in the direction of protecting innocent patients from harm, others saw it as marked by non sequiturs and inconsistencies, and as not ultimately settling the question in favor of always using artificial nutrition. For one thing, it is hard to see how tube feeding can flatly be judged “not a medical act.” For another, official teaching specifically permits the removal of ventilors (respirators), knowing that death will ensue, without referring to the outcome as “smothering” the patient. In both cases, it would seem, the rejection of the means of life-prolongation is not tantamount to directly desiring that the patient be dead, but rather to acceptance of death as now timely and a part of the human condition. Moreover, the reference to “alleviation of suffering” suggests that the papal remarks apply only to conscious patients. Most important, the speech is not consistent with prior well-established teaching and health care practices in Catholic institutions, as defined by the Declaration on Euthanasia and the Ethical and Religious Directives. In fact, artificial nutrition is not generally a part of hospice care, even though it was provided to Terri Schiavo. According to good medical evidence (e.g., The New England Journal of Medicine, July 2003), the dying process is neither painful nor uncomfortable without it.

Richard Doerflinger, of the U. S. Bishops’ Secretariat for Pro-Life Activities, said that “the Holy Father has not declared an absolute moral obligation to provide assisted feeding in all cases” (Ethics and Medics, June 2004). The Catholic Health Association referred health care providers to the Ethical and Religious Directives as the context for the interpretation of the papal speech. Neither those directives nor the 1980 declaration have been revoked by the Vatican, nor have Vatican officials taken steps to insist that all patients who cannot ingest food or fluids be intubated for artificial feeding.
...

The key question in this case should have been, “What is in the best interests of Terri Schiavo?” Leaving the tubes in place cannot be simplistically equated with acting in her interests, since it could reasonably be argued that 15 or more years of existence in a “vegetative” state neither serves human dignity nor presents a fate that most reasonable people would obviously prefer to death. Those who saw continued tube feeding as a protection of the pro-life position and as a strike in favor of defenseless patients are mistaken if they think that expanding the definition of “ordinary” care will prevent unjust termination of life in health care settings. It is just as likely to worry those who want prudent judgments about their own best interests to be made by family members when their time comes. It may even contribute to the present movement for physician-assisted suicide, which is partly a backlash against the overuse of hi-tech care at the end of life.

On the other side, those who favor an approach more favorable to foregoing artificial feeding suffer under the misconception that the pro-life concerns are simply reactionary and misguided. Many disability-rights activists and organizations, as well as Jesse Jackson, joined hands with the Schindlers. This points up legitimate fears that medical decision-making often reflects utilitarian cost-saving standards, control by “elite” values and interests, and the continued marginalization from medical services of those who lack financial resources and a political voice. The sad story of Terri Schiavo calls for more pastorally sensitive and holistic care for those in similar situations, and better and more readily available hospice care for all. It cries out for the use of advance directives along with designated proxies to evaluate “best interests” as circumstances develop.

The Schiavo case is a warning for all concerned about the common good to become better advocates for broad national health care reform. Sane, just and morally acceptable health care would take the emphasis off expensive, specialized and excessive “treatment” for a few (who may well not have chosen it) and put it where the moral debate should be: integrated, humane health services for everyone who needs them.
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Michael P.

Embryonic Stem Cell Research

[I thought that this would be of interest to MOJ readers.   I've reprinted the whole piece--from today's online Chronicle of Higher Education--because one has to be a subscriber to access the item.]

National Academies Report Recommends New Oversight Boards and Tighter Rules for Stem-Cell Research

By JEFFREY BRAINARD

Universities and research institutions should set up a new kind of in-house oversight committee to approve and manage studies using human embryonic stem cells, a National Academies panel recommended on Tuesday. In a report, the panel also suggested guidelines for the ethical conduct of the research that are stricter than existing government rules.

The report, "Guidelines for Human Embryonic Stem Cell Research," says the new oversight committees would provide an additional level of review beyond the monitoring done by other university committees, like institutional review boards. The panel said that the new committees would ensure that the controversial studies were conducted in a uniform and transparent way, and thus would help build public confidence in them.

For example, the panel assumed that university researchers would continue to create new colonies, or lines, of human embryonic stem cells. The practice remains controversial because scientists must destroy early-stage embryos to obtain the cells, and some people consider the embryos to be human lives. The panel said that out of respect for those ethical concerns, the new oversight committees should not allow researchers to destroy embryos that are older than 14 days. The proposed guidelines would require that researchers obtain informed consent from all donors of eggs and sperm used to make embryos used in studies -- including from anonymous sperm donors, which is not now required.

"While we were hesitant to recommend another bureaucratic oversight entity, the burden in this case is justified, given the novel and controversial nature of embryonic-stem-cell research," Jonathan D. Moreno, a professor of biomedical ethics at the University of Virginia and co-chairman of the academies' panel, said in a written statement.

The panel prescribed the changes in response to a "perception" that the research "is unregulated," the report says. Scientists now face a patchwork of federal and state regulations covering stem-cell studies, and many of the rules "were not designed with this research specifically in mind, and there are gaps in how well they cover" the research.

What's more, President Bush decided in 2001 that scientists could receive federal research funds for such studies only if they used stem-cell lines that existed at the time. As a result, a growing number of universities are moving toward using private or state funds to study newer lines of stem cells that, researchers say, appear to be more scientifically promising. Some observers have worried that the trend will reinforce the variation across states.

Supporters of stem-cell research hope that the panel's report will play a role in helping to relax Mr. Bush's limits, although the panel itself did not recommend such a step. Even with private and state money flowing into the field, advocates say, the research will move forward more rapidly with federal funds.

"Leading institutions engaged in stem-cell research have many of the protections recommended ... already in place," said Daniel P. Perry, president of the Coalition for the Advancement of Medical Research, a consortium of universities and other groups that supports the studies. "They need only a more supportive and positive federal environment to make the research flourish. The strong ethical standards in this timely report should give Congressional champions of research even more support to expand the current federal stem-cell policy, and should give those who are still waiting on the sidelines a reason to get in the game."

While the report urges universities to adopt the guidelines voluntarily, it also suggests that agencies providing research funds and academic publishers push universities to observe them as a condition of receiving the funds and getting papers published.

The new review boards would consider a variety of issues. They would oversee steps to protect the privacy of parents who donated embryos, sperm, or eggs used in the research. Most stem-cell lines have been created from excess embryos left over from fertility clinics.

In addition, the proposed guidelines would prohibit researchers from paying donors of sperm and eggs used to create embryos. Women who donate eggs for reproductive purposes usually are paid, to reflect the heightened risks associated with the medical procedure to harvest the eggs. But some people view payments as an inappropriate inducement, the panel said.

"The sensitivities surrounding this research are significant, and we thought it was better to err on the side of caution," Richard O. Hynes, a professor of biology and co-chairman of the academies' panel, said at a news conference on Tuesday.

The stem-cell committees would also review all work to create new lines of stem cells and would require scientists to explain why doing so would advance the research.

The committees would also approve any proposal to transplant human embryonic stem cells into animals. Scientists use the technique to study how the human cells grow and function in living systems, and they hope to learn how to use the cells to develop new medical treatments for diseased and ailing organs in human beings. Stem cells are undifferentiated building blocks capable of developing into any specialized cell in the adult body.

In addition, the panel recommended that the university oversight committees bar research to implant human stem cells into early-stage embryos of monkeys. The report said this would avoid the unwanted, but unlikely, result that the human cells would endow the animals with human-like mental capacities. The boards should carefully monitor transplants of the cells into animals of other species, the panel said.
_________________________

Michael P.

Tuesday, April 26, 2005

More on Capital Punishment, By Way of Gerry Whyte

[Received this message from Gerry Whyte of Trinity College, Dublin:]

Further to your recent posting on MOJ, you might be interested in the following extract from a letter by a colleague, Professor Finbarr McAuley, in University College Dublin published in today's Irish Times:

[The] claim that the "last century was the first time the church...condemned the death penalty" is wrong by a margin of 800 years. The death penalty was roundly condemned by canon 18 of the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215.

Moreover, the inspiration for the Church's long-standing antipathy to all forms of blood punishment, including the death penalty, did not come from the human sciences ... but from [the] discipline of theology. The decisive argument had to do with the risk to the immortal soul believed to be associated with the shedding of human blood. Although this was a theological argument developed by the Latin fathers of late antiquity, it was taken up by the canon lawyers of the 12th and 13th centuries, who made it the cornerstone of the new concept of voluntary homicide.

Because the medieval canonists defined the mortal sin of homicide as including all forms of negligent and unjustified killing (as well as otherwise lawful killings done with an improper motive), Pope Innocent III, who convened the Fourth Lateran Council, decided that the only safe course was to ban priestly involvement in any procedure, whether judicial or surgical, which entailed the risk of wrongful killing thus defined, thereby effectively bringing to an end the centuries-old practice of trial by fire and water and inaugurating the Church's long and honourable association with an enlightened penology of rehabilitation.

... [It] is depressing, if sadly predictable, to learn that theological studies in the modern age do not appear to include an appreciation of the enduring contribution to legal civilisation made by the Catholic theologians and canon lawyers of the medieval period.

Is it any wonder that the new pontiff, himself a distinguished theologian, seems to view the blinding certainties of its practitioners with modified rapture? - Yours etc.,

Prof FINBARR McAULEY, Faculty of Law, UCD, Dublin 4.

Capital Punishment

Surely there are few in any issues a blog devoted to the development of Catholic legal theory should be more concerned with than the morality of capital punishment.  The article excerpted below, The Right to Life,  will appear in the May 12th edition of The New York Review of Books.  To print/read the entire piece, click here.  Some excerpts follow:

In her book Dead Man Walking, published in 1993, Sister Helen explained how she first became involved with condemned prisoners, and she traces the cases of three men whom she accompanied, as their spiritual adviser, through their final days and hours. It was a best-selling and highly influential book, its arguments given wider currency by the film starring Susan Sarandon in the role of Sister Helen. This new book appears at a time when the death penalty system is in crisis. In 2000 James Liebman of Columbia University School of Law led a team which surveyed four and a half thousand death penalty cases and found "reversible error" in 68 percent of them. In his words—which seem the more true, five years on—the system is "collapsing under the weight of its own mistakes."
...

After his death, Sister Helen took O'Dell's body to Italy for burial, and was granted an audience with John Paul II. This was the climax of her campaign within the Catholic Church, and she credits the O'Dell case with helping to change teaching which had stood since the days of Saint Thomas Aquinas. When she began campaigning, many individual priests and Catholic laypeople were abolitionists, but the hierarchy was not, and in Dead Man Walking she tells of her encounters with an obstructive prison chaplain who incarnated the conservative, misogynist status quo. After her letters, and her visit to the Vatican in the wake of the O'Dell case, Pope John Paul spoke out unequivocally against the death penalty, and the Catholic Catechism was altered. Unfortunately, it was altered by the removal of words that specifically endorsed capital punishment, rather than by the addition of words to exclude it. There is plenty here for theologians and Catholic lawyers to argue over, so the change may not be quite the lasting triumph that Sister Helen thought it.

Among the promoters of the death penalty, Sister Helen picks out Justice Antonin Scalia of the US Supreme Court for special odium. He is a prominent Catholic; how can he vote against the Church's teaching? "My morality and religious beliefs have nothing to do with how I vote," he says, and he aims to keep "personal predilections, biases, and moral and religious beliefs" out of the process of constitutional interpretation. Where does he leave them, the reader wonders, when he goes to work? Is there a sort of depository or a left-luggage office where you check in your personal experience and judgment, while you shrink yourself to a cog or spring in the great machinery of the law?
...

Even if you cannot stand behind every argument the author makes, The Death of Innocents is a deeply convinced and deeply convincing book. Now we know what's wrong: racial bias, bias against the poor, inept counsel, overzealous prosecutors trying to make a name, self-serving judges, missing witnesses, careless science, coerced confessions. Add in the use of jailhouse informants, the propensity of police officers to lie, and their evident inability to reason about the facts of a case, and you have a recipe for the continuing conviction and death of innocent people.
...

As Sister Helen sees it, attempts to make the penalty more consistent have failed. Yet where defects are only procedural, they could be remedied; given political will and a bottomless public purse, possibly they could be fixed. If the bureaucrats were wise and the system fair—if the process met tightly defined legal criteria of objectivity—would it be all right to have a death penalty? Many would say yes. Sister Helen is clear in her view. "I don't believe that the government should be put in charge of killing anybody, even those proven guilty of terrible crimes." This is what the world would like to hear America say. You do not have to be a Christian, or have any faith at all, to support Sister Helen's basic position: "Every human being is worth more than the worst act of his or her life."

The death penalty is not wrong because it is inconsistently administered. If it were fairly administered, it would still be wrong. Finally, the issue is moral; a nation so God-besotted should be able to grasp that. When the government touches a corpse, it contaminates the private citizen. A modern nation that deals in state-sponsored death, becomes, in part, dead in itself; dead certainly, to the enlightened ideals from which America derives its existence as a nation.
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Michael P.

Monday, April 25, 2005

Martin Marty on Benedict XVI

Sightings  4/25/05

Considering Pope Benedict XVI
-- Martin E. Marty

Back from relative hiding on mounts and in wastelands during a papal funeral and a papal election, I have returned to the real world.  Asked frequently for my take on Pope Benedict XVI, I have this to offer:

-- Benedict XVI is a good choice of name.  We wish him benediction.

-- I've tracked him since 1964 (at Vatican II) through his significant turn rightward around 1968, and find him consistent ever since.  No surprises.

-- He is conservative.  So?  All the cardinals appointed by John Paul II are so.  The issue is not "how conservative will he be?" but "how will he be conservative?" -- meaning how expansive, open, and interactive he may be with other Catholics, other Christians, other religions, and secular citizens.

-- As they did with John Paul II, Protestants will largely hold their fire, knowing that the profound and agonized criticisms will come from the pope's fellow Catholics.

-- Thus far, there have been more grumblings from the "Catholic right" about attacks from the "Catholic left" than there have been attacks.  Not all Catholics bow low enough to please the right.  But many lapse into respectful sullenness in a "give the pope a chance" posture.  They will criticize when he gets going, when actions displease.

-- My own citizen-based grumbles: His intervention in the American political campaigns last year broke tradition, portended more involvement, and would have been greeted as a confirmation of non-Catholic Americans' worst fears -- except that many citizens, welcoming his positions, departed from their own long-standing "no papal intervention" traditions.  As for world politics: Will his firm stand against contraception lead him to persist in condemning condoms, with no exceptions -- even, for example, in Africa, where that position contributes to many thousands of deaths?

-- Ecumenically this pope is a hard-liner against Anglican orders.  He often regards believers who are not in the "papal obedience" orbit to be good individual Christians, though not really in churches as part of the one body of Christ.  But two cheers from this Lutheran: he supported and no doubt rescued the 1999 "Joint Declaration" on justification between the Lutheran World Federation (which he wishes were a church) and the Vatican, and has made friendly-to-Luther noises since as early as 1966.

-- He's maybe a bit too ready to slap the adjective "infallible" in front of many current church teachings, for example, against the ordination of women.  So far, infallibility has been invoked formally only two times, with a century between them: once in defining the Immaculate Conception and again in defining the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin.  It would be nice to wait another hundred years before it's invoked again -- if it has to be used at all.

-- His boyhood in Germany during the Nazi regime?  Utterly a non-issue.

-- A very smart man, educated and intellectual, he shares his predecessor's zeal for defining doctrine, but brings more passion to enforcing definitions.  Will the responsibilities of office and his need to reach out change him and his profile?

-- Was the selection of a Western European who met indifference and hostility on many Western fronts of Catholicism a sign that the cardinals have given up on Europe, or the expression of a desperate hope that he can turn things around?  Wait and see.

-- There were too many claims that the politicking surrounding the election of the pope was the work of the Holy Spirit.  Yes, Christians can believe it was in the end the Spirit's work -- but this came to be overstated.  Hover now, as-if-winged Spirit.
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Sightings comes from the Martin Marty Center at the University of Chicago Divinity School.

Saturday, April 23, 2005

Steinfels on Benedict XVI

The final part of the Steinfels article I featured in my post earlier today bears quoting here:

Some people have already written off Benedict XVI, while others are rushing almost to canonize him. Pending a clearer sense of his own vision of the world and of the priorities such a vision suggests, both reactions seem premature.

In a televised interview eight years ago, cited in John Allen's book "Conclave" (Doubleday, 2002), one high-ranking Catholic official gave a rather minimal view of what Catholics should automatically assume about a newly chosen pope. Asked whether "the Holy Spirit plays a role in the election of the pope," the official replied, "I would not say so in the sense that the Holy Spirit picks out the pope, because there are too many contrary instances of popes the Holy Spirit would obviously not have picked."

"The Spirit's role should be understood in a much more elastic sense," the official added. "Probably the only assurance he offers is that the thing cannot be totally ruined."

That official was Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, now Pope Benedict XVI.

Michael P.

Recommended Reading: Peter Steinfels

In today's New York Times, Peter Steinfel's "Beliefs" column is very interesting and provocative.


What Does the Selection of the New Pope Portend for American Catholic Youths?

By PETER STEINFELS

 
 
 

In the days after Pope John Paul II died, only his role in helping bring on the collapse of Communism earned more comment than his gift for reaching young people with the challenge of the Gospel.

That testimony, along with the images of youthful backpackers swelling the crowds of mourners in St. Peter's Square, stirred memories of things witnessed firsthand in Denver 12 years ago at World Youth Day, and elsewhere.

But those recollections only made it all the more jarring to be simultaneously poring over a National Study of Youth and Religion, undertaken at the University of North Carolina, and its findings about American Catholic teenagers - findings that raise obvious questions about the way leadership will be exercised in the papacy of Benedict XVI.

Those findings have recently been published in "Soul Searching: The Religious and Spiritual Lives of American Teenagers" (Oxford University Press, 2005), by Christian Smith and Melinda Lundquist Denton. With a mixture of good news and bad news that punctures many stereotypes about adolescent religious beliefs and behavior, this extensive study deserves attention for what it reveals across the full range of American religious groups.

But what leapt out during this papal transition was that the researchers had felt compelled to devote a separate chapter to their discovery that Catholic teenagers "stand out among the U.S. Christian teenagers as consistently scoring lower on most measures of religiosity."

On various questions about beliefs, practices, experiences and commitments, the researchers found Catholic youths "scoring 5 to 25 percentage points lower than their conservative, mainline and black Protestant peers." In-depth interviews showed many of these Catholic adolescents "living far outside of official church norms."

Catholic teenagers were far less apt to affirm belief in a personal God, to report having ever undergone a very moving, powerful worship experience, or to say their faith was extremely important in shaping their daily lives or major life decisions.

There has been a lot of impressionistic talk, often verging on boosterism, about a new "John Paul II generation" of deeply committed, conservative young Catholics. So what should be said about this quite different-looking crop of John Paul II teenagers? How did this happen on the watch of the very pope who undeniably exhibited such magnetism among youth?

[Keep reading ... click here.]

Michael P.