Good morning, Michael.
In response to the first of the two questions you asked in your final post last night: As I understand it, the issue is not biology, but morality; that is, the issue is not the biological status of human life at the earliest stage of its development, but its moral status. In my judgment, it would be not only mistaken but unreasonable to deny the biological facts to which you refer.
In response to your second question, let me say just this: There are many arguments to the effect that human life at the earliest stage of its development does not have the same moral status as human life at a later stage of its development--for example, a stage after which what Boonin has called "organized cortical brain activity" has emerged. Do I find any of those arguments persuasive? As I explain in my new book, I do not. Do I find Boonin's argument unreasonable? I do not. What would I say to Boonin if he said that he finds my rejection of his argument unreasonable? I would say that he is underestimating the complexity of the issue and indeed is being unreasonable in doing so.
Now, off to do what I do best: chauffeur my children around to their various activities.
All the best,
Michael
Saturday, October 21, 2006
The Issue is not Biological Status, but Moral Status
Friday, October 20, 2006
A Comment (on David Boonin's Book) and a Question (for Richard Stith)
First, the question for Richard: In your post, who in this election is evil? And who is (merely?) bad?
Now, the comment on Boonin's book, which both I and then Michael S. mentioned in our posts this evening (here and here): In my new book, Toward a Theory of Human Rights, which Cambridge will publish next month, I explain why I reject Boonin's argument about the moral status of human beings at the earliest stage of their development. Boonin's argument is mistaken, in my judgment--though not unreasonable.
Dear Michael S.,
You begin your most recent message by noting that in my message I did not "defend Jean Porter's Commonweal essay." It seems to me that you say this as if it is significant--revealing--that in my post I did not "defend" Jean's essay. If Jean's essay needs defending, Jean is quite capable of defending it herself; she certainly doesn't need me to do it for her. So I am happy that you have e-mailed Jean. In any event, what is at issue is not whether Jean's position in her essay (as distinct from Robby's position) is correct, but whether Jean's position is reasonable--or not. I infer from what you have said in this exchange with me that you not only believe that Jean's position is not correct but also doubt that it is a reasonable position. Am I mistaken in my inference that you doubt that Jean's position is reasonable? Perhaps you are presently agnostic about whether Jean's position is unreasonable; perhaps you need to hear from Jean before you can decide whether her position is, in your view, unreasonable.
Next, in your message you ask me whether I was "accusing [you] of trying to stifle conversation by suggesting that anyone who holds a contrary view is unreasonable?" My answer: No, Michael, I was not accusing you of that offense--the offense of trying to stifle conversation. (Admirably, you seem quite eager for conversation about the moral status of human beings at the earliest stage of their development!) What I was doing is what I did: namely, say that in such conversations we should be very, very wary about accusing those who disagree with us of being not only incorrect but unreasonable. (Again: Not that we should never do so!) Such an accusation (a) often reflects that the accuser has minimized the complexity of the issue at hand and moreover (b) makes productive engagement with those who disagree with us more difficult than it need or should be.
Were you in fact suggesting that those who disagree with Robby's position on the moral status of human beings at the earliest stage of their development are not only incorrect but unreasonable? It seemed to me that, in the context of your exchange with Lisa, that is exactly what you were doing. MOJ-readers can judge for themselves. (Click here.) However, if you now say that you were not suggesting what it seemed to me that you were suggesting, I stand corrected.
Be well, Michael.
Michael
Dear Michael S.,
I know from conversations with Jean Porter that she is quite familiar with the argument (indeed, arguments--about a host of matters) of Robby George, John Finnis, et al. (Jean was at Emory this past weekend, and will be here again in two weeks for John Witte's Christian Juriprudence Project, in which she, Rick Garnett, and I, among others, participate.) May I suggest that you ask Jean directly why she is not convinced by the argument in question: [email protected]
But the fundamental question between us is not about the reasonableness vel non of Jean Porter. The question is whether one can reasonably reject Robby's argument. (There is no question, in my judgment, that one can reasonably accept the argument!) Let's take a secular philosopher: David Boonin, author of In Defense of Abortion (Cambridge 2002) and now a member of the Rutgers/Brunswick philosophy department. Boonin was careful in writing his book to seek clarifying and critical feedback from many people, including George's sometimes co-author, Patrick Lee of the Franciscan University in Steubenville, Ohio. Now, is Boonin unreasonable too? Is everyone who rejects the argument unreasonable? What do we gain, Michael, by accusing those who disagree with us of being not merely wrong or mistaken (in our view) but unreasonable? Isn't it more productive--isn't it enough--just to state our reasons as carefully and clearly as we can in explaining why we think that our position is the right (correct) one and, therefore, why we think that it is wrong (incorrect, mistaken) to reject our position?
Let me hasten to add that I am not claiming that it is never right--that it is always inappropriate --to accuse those who reject our position as being not merely wrong but unreasonable. But I strongly doubt that the question of the moral status of human life at its earliest stage of development is a fitting occasion for that kind of rhetoric.
I'm reminded of the mocking sign my wife gave me that hangs in my office (better in my office than around my neck): "Be reasonable. Think like I do!"
Best,
Michael P.
Dear Michael S.,
In your post below, you write that "often times human beings (myself
included) will hold on to a set of very dearly held beliefs (or
desires) long after the unreasonableness of those beliefs has been
exposed." Whatever one might want to say about Jean Porter's Commonweal essay, in which, inter alia, she espouses a position on the moral status of human life at its earliest stage of development different from the position of the magisterium and (e.g.) Robby George, one cannot fairly say that her essay is "unreasonable". Jean Porter is one of the most rigorously reasonable Christian moral theologians--in particular, one of the most rigorously reasonable Catholic natural lawyers--now writing. She richly merits her chair at Notre Dame and is a credit to the university. The fact that someone who has listened carefully to the (reasonable) argument of a Robby George, as Jean Porter has, but still does not find the argument convincing dooes not mean that she is unreasonable. (In a way, I think I am simply concurring here in what Lisa Schiltz has been suggesting.)
All the best,
Michael P.
Thursday, October 19, 2006
The Moral Status of Embryos
On February 8, 2002, Jean Porter--who is the
John A. O'Brien Professor of Theology at the University of Notre Dame, specializing in moral theology/Christian ethics--published an article in Commonweal: Is the Embryo a Person? Arguing with the Catholic Traditions. Click here to read the whole article. Here is a lengthy excerpt:
What can we say to convince men and women of good will who do not share
our theological convictions or our allegiance to a teaching church that
early-stage embryos have exactly the same moral status as we and they
do? It will not serve us to fall back at this point on blanket
denunciations such as "the culture of death." Naturally, these tend to
be conversation stoppers. What is worse, they keep us from considering
the possibility that others may not be convinced by what we are saying
because what we are saying is--not convincing.
titled
According to Catholic teaching, from conception, the embryo has the same status as any other living human being, and for this reason, the intentional destruction of the embryo is tantamount to murder. That, at least, is the official teaching of the Catholic Church as it has been represented in the press. The official teaching is qualified in one important respect, and I will consider this qualification in a moment. But first we need to examine what might be called the simplified public version of the teaching on the status of the early embryo.
Very often, the claim that the early-stage embryo is a person just like any other is put forward as if it were obvious. When pressed to defend this view, its proponents argue that the early-stage embryo is a living human organism, genetically distinct from both its parents and already on a developmental continuum that will lead eventually to the birth of a child. From this standpoint, it is obvious that this individual human organism must also be a human person in the fullest sense. As Donum vitae asks rhetorically, "How could a human individual not be a human person?"
Yet this is precisely what is not obvious to many of our fellow citizens. What is more, until relatively recently it would not have been obvious to most Catholic theologians, either. The view that even early abortion is equivalent to murder did not begin to dominate official Catholic teachings until the nineteenth century, although it had been proposed earlier. Before that point, the majority view in the Western church, as reflected in canon law as well as theological opinion, drew a distinction between early- and late-stage abortions. Certainly, an early-stage abortion was considered to be a grave sin, but it was not regarded as equivalent to murder. This distinction, in turn, rests on the view, defended by Aquinas among many others, that the developing fetus does not receive a rational soul, and therefore does not attain full human status, until after a certain point in the process of development-a view sometimes described as "delayed hominization." These theologians were well aware that the early-stage embryo was an organism distinct from the body of its mother, but they denied precisely what we are now claiming to be not only true, but obviously true-namely, that this human organism is a human person in the full sense.
if we are going to defend immediate hominization, it is not enough simply to point to facts about the early-stage embryo-its genetic uniqueness, its capacity for further growth and development, and the like. We need to offer a systematic argument for why these facts support the fully personal status of very early-stage embryos, an argument that will convince our fellow citizens, most of whom know the facts as well as we do. This we have so far failed to do.
That fact brings me to the qualification in the official teaching on the status of the early embryo noted above. When we turn to recent magisterial statements, we find that they do acknowledge the difficulty of this question and the diversity of views that it has engendered. But these debates finally do not matter, because even if we cannot say for sure when the embryo attains fully personal status, we are sure enough to act as if it does: "What is at stake is so important that, from the standpoint of moral obligation," John Paul II writes in Evangelium vitae, "the mere probability that a human person is involved would suffice to justify an absolutely clear prohibition of any intervention aimed at killing a human embryo." The encyclical speaks of a probability, but some theologians and Catholic activists go even further, arguing that the possibility that the embryo is a person is enough to justify treating it as if it were. In other words, we are faced here with a situation in which a fully personal human life may be present, and therefore we are morally obliged to resolve our doubts on the side of protecting life.
But these are weak arguments, at least insofar as they are offered as a basis for public policy. Have we established even a probability that the early-stage embryo has fully personal status? This claim stands or falls on an assessment of the strength of our arguments. So far, it does not seem that we have convinced our fellow citizens that these arguments are sound enough to justify even a probable conclusion. As for the contention that the sheer possibility that the early-stage embryo is a fully personal entity requires us to act as if it were, this claim will rightly not carry much weight in the public square.
What this latter claim amounts to is this: Because there are philosophical arguments to the effect that the early-stage embryo is fully personal, and these arguments convince some persons, therefore we should all act as if we were convinced by those arguments. But no society can afford to determine difficult questions of public policy on such a basis. There are serious philosophical arguments that nonhuman animals have the same status as human persons, and these arguments convince many men and women of good faith. Does that mean that the rest of us are morally obliged to act as if we were convinced by those arguments, because nonhuman animals may have the same moral status as the rest of us? Should we outlaw animal experimentation and slaughterhouses on this basis? I think most of us would demand to be convinced by the relevant arguments, before we think about enacting them into law. We should not be surprised when our fellow citizens hold us to the same standards of persuasiveness with regard to the status of the early embryo.
No doubt it will have occurred to many of my readers that if our current position on the status of the early embryo is not convincing to our fellow citizens, we will surely not get much further with Aquinas’s abstruse metaphysics. Actually, I am not so sure about that. I myself find Aquinas’s view to be convincing, and since I believe that this view is intrinsically credible, I am inclined to think that at least some of our fellow citizens would believe it if it were fairly presented. We have been in the habit of dismissing this view for so long that we have not even tried to understand it ourselves, much less to render it intelligible to others.
Nonetheless, it is probably the case that Aquinas’s views on ensoulment, which after all do presuppose a fairly specific set of philosophical and theological assumptions, will never carry much general conviction. And many Catholics will believe that whatever the merits of this view, any effort to develop it in a direction that would allow for the destruction of early-stage embryos has been definitively ruled out by the magisterium. (I do not agree with this position, although I respect it. For the record, and since I will be accused of cowardice unless I declare my own position, I do not believe that there are any conclusive moral grounds ruling out embryonic stem-cell research. Hence, I do support such research, under some conditions. I reserve the right to change my mind. And I don’t know what Aquinas himself would have said on the subject.)
My point is not that we should return to the earlier position on ensoulment and the status of the early embryo. What I do want to suggest, however, is that if we are to develop adequate and convincing arguments on this difficult issue, we need to engage the arguments of our forerunners in a serious way-especially those arguments that we find most challenging to our own views. In this case, it would be especially advisable for us to do so, because the arguments of our forerunners challenge today’s official Catholic view just at the point at which most of our contemporaries would also challenge it-that is, they call into question the claim that the early-stage embryo, as a human organism, must necessarily be a human person in the full sense. If we cannot answer our own forerunners’ objections to this claim, we can scarcely hope to answer the objections of our contemporaries.
Catholics are defined by our past in a way that many of our fellow citizens are not. Not only does the institutional church give a high positive value to continuity and tradition, most individual Catholics do so as well. Yet ironically, when we attempt to bring our insights to bear on public debates, we sometimes argue in ways that undercut the very continuity with tradition that has historically been our strength. I do not want to suggest that we should simply retreat into an uncritical affirmation of the views of the past. But I do want to say that when we find ourselves at variance with our inherited moral tradition, we should face that fact squarely and attempt to develop our own views in conversation with our forerunners, taking their views seriously even when these are not our own. Only in this way can we maintain a genuine, and not merely a verbal respect for our inherited tradition-and only in this way can we develop arguments that will be convincing to our fellow citizens today.
Archbishop Desmond Tutu: "Ashamed" to be Anglican
CAPE TOWN, South Africa -- Archbishop Desmond Tutu says in a new book that his church’s rejection of gay priests in 1998 made him “ashamed to be an Anglican.”
That comment, as well as others critical of the worldwide Anglican Communion’s bickering over the role of gays and lesbians in the church, are related in a new biography of the South African prelate, called Rabble-Rouser for Peace, written by his former press secretary, John Allen. The biography is scheduled to be released close to Tutu’s 75th birthday in early October.
In the book, Tutu is candid about his gradual acknowledgment “that sexual orientation, like race or gender, was a given,” Allen writes.
Because he had retired as archbishop of Cape Town in 1996, Tutu refrained from public comment after Anglican prelates rejected “homosexual practice” as “incompatible with scripture,” in 1998. However, in a letter to the spiritual head of Anglicanism, former Archbishop of Canterbury George Carey, Tutu wrote, “I am ashamed to be an Anglican,” according to Allen.
Monday, October 16, 2006
Used Evangelicals
Sightings 10/16/06
Used
-- Martin E. Marty
Columnist David Kuo's book Tempting Faith, published today, will rival, on a smaller scale, Bob Woodward's State of Denial as a disturber of the peace. "Smaller scale" does not mean "small scale," since its accusations and revelations refer to the way the cohort of evangelical supporters and promoters who have determined recent elections have been taken and used by politicians. Many claims of the book became public over the weekend, but here's a review.
David Kuo is as well positioned as anyone to give behind-the-scenes views of how the "elites" in the administration in Washington regard their most faithful and core supporters: "goofy" and "nuts" are among the in-house words applied, says Kuo. He was second-in-command of the ill-fated and "used" "faith-based initiatives," proposals that one had thought might have some merit. Like his first-in-command predecessor, Kuo has given up on the post, the venture, and the people with whom he was supposed to work. It is too soon to see if some of what he says is distorted or biased because of his hurt, and most of us do not know him well enough to know fully what his agenda is. Like Woodward, however, he names names -- and may be even more explicit about sources than was Woodward. And his is also not a pretty story. The key word is this: "used." The evangelicals were "used" from the beginning, and consistently.
What to think about it all? We will hear soon from the Schadenfreude folk who will be understandably ready to gloat over Christian Right misfortunes. But one might prefer to see this exposé as a lesson that can be part of the maturing on the Christian Right flank. First, such religious politicos may find that they wasted some of their fire on "secular humanists" and "religious liberals," who were finally learning to take them seriously and often to respect some of them. Evangelicals should have been more mistrustful of "conservative" partners who cynically used them.
More important in this process of welcoming evangelicals to the "Being Used Club" is the chance that they will learn the limits of what "Christian" efforts can achieve in the rough and tumble of politics. Looking back: President Reagan cultivated them in 1980, and they got almost nothing in return. He never went to Capitol Hill to promote legal measures to which he had given rhetorical support (anti-abortion and pro-school prayer, for example). But Reagan's support has not been exposed as being this exploitative. Now "Welcome to the club!" might be the word from liberal Protestants, Catholics, African American church leaders, and others who, a half-century ago, gave political support but got little yield. You do not have to be a cynic to note that even well-mannered and forthright political forces pick up and drop constituencies and philosophies to advance their goals.
For further reading:
Sightings comes from the Martin Marty Center at the University of Chicago Divinity School.
Wednesday, October 11, 2006
The Lancet Report on the Number of Iraqi Dead
In connection with my earlier post ... click here to see a PDF of the Lancet report. (HT: dotCommonweal.)
The Iraqi Dead: 600,000 and Counting?
The Wall Street Journal
October 11, 2006
Iraqi Death Toll
Exceeds 600,000,
Study Estimates
October 11, 2006; Page A4
WASHINGTON -- A new study asserts that roughly 600,000 Iraqis have died from violence since the U.S.-led invasion in March 2003, a figure many times higher than any previous estimate.
The study, to be published Saturday in the British medical journal the Lancet, was conducted by the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health by sending teams of Iraqi doctors across Iraq from May through July. The findings are sure to draw fire from skeptics and could color the debate over the war ahead of congressional elections next month.
The Defense Department until 2004 eschewed any effort to compute the number of Iraqi dead but this summer released a study putting the civilian casualty rate between May and August at 117 people a day. Other tabulations using different methodologies put the range of total civilian fatalities so far from about 50,000 to more than 150,000. President Bush in December said "30,000, more or less" had died in Iraq during the invasion and in the violence since.
The Johns Hopkins team conducted its study using a methodology known as "cluster sampling." That involved randomly picking 47 clusters of households for a total 1,849 households, scattered across Iraq. Team members interviewed each household about any deaths in the family during the 40 months since the invasion, as well as in the year before the invasion. The team says it reviewed death certificates for 92% of all deaths reported. Based on those figures, it tabulated national mortality rates for various periods before and after the start of the war. The mortality rate last year was nearly four times the preinvasion rate, the study found.
"Since March 2003, an additional 2.5% of Iraq's population has died above what would have occurred without conflict," the report said. The country's population is roughly 24 million people.
Human Rights Watch has estimated Saddam Hussein's regime killed 250,000 to 290,000 people over 20 years.
The Lancet study, funded largely by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology's Center for International Studies, said while the percentage of deaths attributed to the U.S.-led coalition has decreased over the past year, coalition forces were involved in 31% of all violent deaths since March 2003. Most of the deaths in Iraq, particularly in the past two years, have been caused by insurgent, terrorist and sectarian violence.
Overall, the study found 55% of deaths since March 2003 were due to violence. Of that subset, 56% resulted from gunshots; car bombs and other explosives accounted for 27%, and airstrikes caused 13%. The rest were due to other factors.
Paul Bolton, a public-health researcher at Boston University who has reviewed the study, called the methodology "excellent" and said it was standard procedure in a wide range of studies he has worked on. "You can't be sure of the exact number, but you can be quite sure that you are in the right ballpark," he said.
A similar, smaller study by the same team in 2004 put the number of deaths at the time at 9,000 to 194,000. That report drew fire for the breadth of its estimate. In part to offset such criticism, the researchers said they picked the largest sample possible for this survey, after considering the high level of danger involved in sending teams door-to-door in Iraq.
The study's lead researchers, Gilbert Burnham and Les Roberts of Johns Hopkins, have done studies in the Congo, Rwanda and other war zones. "This is a standard methodology that the U.S. government and others have encouraged groups to use in developing countries," said Mr. Burnham, who defended the study as "a scientifically extremely strong paper."
This study, "The Human Cost of the War in Iraq," puts civilian fatalities at 426,369 to 793,663 but gives a 95% certainty to the figure of 601,027.
Hamit Dardagan, co-founder of Iraq Body Count, a London-based human-rights group, called the Lancet study's figures "pretty shockingly high." His group tabulates the civilian death toll based on media reports augmented by local hospital and morgue records. His group says it has accumulated reports of as many as 48,693 civilian deaths caused by the U.S. intervention.
Mr. Burnham said the disparity between his survey and tabulations like Iraq Body Count are largely because of the heavy media and government focus on Baghdad and a few other cities. "What our data show is that the level of violence is going on throughout the country," he said.
Lt. Col. Mark Ballesteros, a Defense Department spokesman, said the Pentagon doesn't comment on reports that haven't been publicly released. Nonetheless, he said, "the coalition takes enormous precautions to prevent civilian deaths and injuries," adding that "the Iraqi ministry of health would be in a better position, with all of its records, to provide more accurate information on deaths in Iraq."
Since 2004, the Pentagon has collected data on
civilian deaths in incidents where coalition forces were involved.
According to its August civilian-casualty report, those figures show
that the daily civilian death rate has increased nearly sixfold, to
almost 120 this summer from about 20 in early 2004. The Lancet study
cites the Pentagon's numbers to back its own findings, saying the
mortality-rate increases in both tabulations closely parallel one
another.
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