Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Thursday, September 3, 2009

Catholic Teaching, Senator Kennedy, and Abortion

 

 

This posting is not intended to delve into the subject of Senator Kennedy’s views on a variety of issues. Rather, it is an opportunity to bring to the attention of those who visit this site some relevant information about what may have contributed to Senator Kennedy’s change of position regarding the matter of abortion.

I have been reading Albert Jonsen’s 1998 book The Birth of Bioethics. For those unfamiliar with Dr. Jonsen, he most recently taught at the University of Washington’s School of Medicine. He is a Ph.D. holder who studied religious ethics at Yale University in the mid-1960s. At that time, he was a young Jesuit priest. In 1975 he left both the order and the priesthood and married. He has one of the most interesting and credible accounts of how Senator Edward Kennedy and his brother, Robert, had the occasion to encounter a group of priests who provided information to the Kennedy brothers about ethical views on issues such as abortion.

I will state at the outset that I find many of Dr. Jonsen’s conclusions in his book that I have cited regrettable and inconsistent with Catholic teachings on a number of pressing issues. But these disagreements are not the motivation for writing today. It is his account of a meeting he attended in the summer of 1964 at the famous “Kennedy Compound” in Hyannisport, Massachusetts that I discuss. Jonsen’s invitation to attend the meeting according to his account came by way of Fr. Joseph Fuchs, another Jesuit priest, who had taught moral theology for many years at the Pontifical Gregorian University. Then Fr. Jonsen had met Fr. Fuchs on the campus of the University of San Francisco one summer afternoon. According to Jonsen, Fuchs asked him if he would like to attend a meeting that was to take place on Cape Cod to assist Senator Kennedy who was standing for reelection to hear the views of several Catholic theologians so that he, the Senator, could formulate his political stance on the abortion issue. According to his account, Jonsen accepted the invitation and attended the meeting.

Once they arrived in Boston, Dr. Jonsen states that he and Fr. Fuchs were driven “at breakneck speed” to Hyannisport by Fr. Robert Drinan, another Jesuit who was then the Dean of Boston College Law School. In addition to these three priests, all Jesuits, they were joined by two other priests, Fr. Richard McCormick, a fourth Jesuit, and Fr. Charles Curran, a diocesan priest then teaching moral theology at the Catholic University of America. In attendance at the meeting were Senator Edward Kennedy and Attorney General Robert Kennedy. Dr. Jonsen says that he and Fathers Drinan and Fuchs “struggled with the problem posed to us.” However, in Jonsen’s estimation, Fr. McCormick was “particularly articulate.” Jonsen states that to the best of his recollection the theologians agreed with the Church’s teaching that abortion was immoral but were in further agreement that “a rigorously restrictive ethics of abortion into law was unlikely to be enforceable or to achieve its positive goals without significant attendant social evils.” He does not specify in his book what these “significant attendant social evils” were. Jonsen further contends that the theologians present at the Kennedy Compound on that day favored the American Law Institute’s 1962 draft which would withdraw protection from the fetus (during the first twenty-six weeks of its life) and thus allow abortion when a woman’s health was at risk, the fetus had a severe defect, or the pregnancy was the result of rape or incest. This position they advanced did not then nor does it now coincide with the Church’s teaching.

Fifteen years later, Fr. McCormick elaborated in a 1979 his view that most Americans would say that abortion should be legal if the alternative is tragic but unacceptable if the alternative is “mere inconvenience.” He thought that this approach would justify abortion if the mother’s life were at stake, the pregnancy were the result of rape or incest, or the fetus was deformed. He also stated that such a policy would “completely satisfy no one.”

In his “particularly articulate” statement at Hyannisport, Fr. McCormick relied on the work of Fr. John Courtney Murray, another Jesuit priest who had agreed in his writing with Thomas Aquinas that there exists a necessary distinction between morality and civil law by stating that “it is not the function of civil law to prescribe everything that is morally right and to forbid everything that is morally wrong.” In offering this position, Murray had responded to Cardinal Cushing’s request for help when the Massachusetts legislature was considering liberalizing its laws on artificial contraception. In his response to the Boston archbishop, Murray relied on the Thomistic distinction. However, Fr. Murray was very clear that Catholics were not to assume that they could go along with the liberalization in their exercise of conscience for, as he said,

 

Catholics themselves must be made to understand that, although contraception is not an issue of public morality to be dealt with by civil law, it remains for them a moral issue in their family lives, to be decided according to the teaching of the Church... Catholics might well take this public occasion to demonstrate that their moral position is truly moral, that is, it is adopted freely, out of personal conviction and in intelligent loyalty to their Church.

 

 It would be hard today to judge just what impact the 1964 meeting between Senator Kennedy and these five clerics had on the formulation of the Senator’s position on abortion. As we know, the Senator was still publicly opposed to abortion as late as 1971. But, it would be mistaken to believe that Fr. John Courtney Murray’s views could, when all is said and done, have influenced Senator Kennedy in such a way that he could change his opposition to abortion to support of abortion. It is possible that the clerical sympathy with the ALI 1962 draft law may have eventually had an influence on the Senator’s thinking that enabled him to change his position. But even though Fr. Murray was of the view that not all moral issues must be the subject of laws and legal regulation, surely some are—rape, incest, homicide, theft, and perjury just to mention a few examples. Avoiding conception may for some be a moral issue that ought not to be the subject of legal regulation. I, for one, think that it can and ought to be, but I digress. But to suggest that abortion is another “moral issue” that should also fall outside of the realm of legal regulation is implausible given the context of Fr. Murray’s work. I do not think that John Courtney Murray would have extended the Thomistic principle to this grave moral issue.

I know that Susan Stabile has written on the matter of Murray’s thought in the context of abortion, and she may wish to offer her thoughts on the matter. I also know that a friend of the Mirror of Justice, Fr. Greg Kalscheur, has also addressed this subject. He may hold and present a different view.

But on this note I’ll end for the time being: John Courtney Murray was a gifted individual who understood issues clearly and made distinctions sharply with deep reasoning backing him up. I do not think he would place artificial contraception and abortion in the same moral category for the first prevents life from coming into being; the second, however, destroys a life in being. That is a distinction with a difference, a difference that would have meant much to John Courtney Murray. For me, and I think for Murray, one death brought about by abortion is one too many, and that should be regulated by the law. Compound the matter fifty million times, and all the more reason exists to address this moral evil with a legal response.

 

RJA sj

The self-created life story

This New York Times article is meant to capture the human cost of the economic downturn.  It also captures the human cost of a worldview in which a person is free to rewrite their own story line as a free-floating independent agent.  As the profiled subject puts it in explaining his decision to divorce his wife of 25 years, "Life is short -- you got to do what makes you happy."

Outrageous myths and heartfelt belief

Michael McGough

Support for Barack Obama’s health-care reforms from the US Catholic hierarchy has foundered over abortion. But more unites the bishops with the principle of ‘Obamacare’ than divides them from its possible practice Free

"The Moral Case for Insuring the Uninsured"

A statement by the Consortium of Jesuit Biothics Programs ... here.

[HT:  dotCommonweal.]

"Caritas in Veritate: The Truth about Humanity"

Jennifer Roback Morse reflects on Pope Benedict's latest encyclical at the Acton Institute blog.  Her essay begins this way:

Many commentators read Pope Benedict XVI’s Caritas in Veritate as if it were a think tank white paper, and ask whether he endorses their particular policy preferences. It is a mistake to read the encyclical in this way. A close look at the document’s introduction makes plain that Benedict is not a man of the Left or of the Right: He is a non-ideological man of God.

The opening sentence soars above any political platform: “Charity in truth, to which Jesus Christ bore witness by his earthly life and especially by his death and resurrection, is the principal force behind authentic development of every person and of all humanity.” This is our first clue that we are not dealing with a technocrat or ideologue. “Authentic development” points away from the deliberations of politicians and policy wonks. Benedict does not define his objectives in material terms, such as maximizing GDP. Neither does he conduct focus groups or consult experts to figure out what people want. Rather in this encyclical, Benedict reflects on what it means to be authentically human and what the human good actually entails. That is to say, he seeks the truth about man in society.

Some readers will no doubt assume that it is hubris to believe that one can know Truth with a capital “T.” Others may fear that Benedict will somehow impose his “ideology” on the rest of the world. Now, how a city state a few miles across, defended by a handful of guys with medieval weapons is going to impose its will on anyone is beyond my imagining, but put that to one side. Truth has taken such a beating in our time that our contemporaries routinely flinch at its mere mention.

But Benedict is not now, nor has he ever been, afraid of the concept of truth. He is not intimidated by postmodern doubts. He knows where the truth is to be found. The Truth is a person: Jesus Christ.

Woodstock at 40

OSV's Greg Erlandson writes:

We really thought for a short while that the past had no hold on us and that the future was entirely within our grasp. Those illusions took a beating in the last four decades, but I think a lot of the Woodstock philosophy survived: a do-it-yourself moral libertarianism that wants to let everyone do their own thing and distrusts authority. This philosophy, contrary to stereotypes, penetrated both the new left and the new right. Both ideological extremes see Big Brother everywhere and long for a world with as few restraints -- be they social or economic -- as possible.

I came away from this era with a chronic distrust as well, but my distrust is for utopianism, and slogans, and charismatic leaders explaining it all. At the end of the day, any change involves small successes and lots of hard work, and enlightenment comes slowly.

It might not make for a good concert or a good movie, but I think it's the only way to make a good life.

For his full essay, click here.

Red Mass This Evening in Lawrence, Kansas

If you are in the Lawrence, Kansas area this evening, consider  attending the Red Mass, which will be celebrated at 5:15 pm at St. Lawrence Catholic Campus Center.  For more information, click here.

HT:  Emily Friedman

Brennan on self-love and forgiveness

Our own Patrick Brennan has this interesting paper up on SSRN:

Forgiving is not pardoning, excusing, condoning, forgetting, or reconciling, nor is forgiving just about a change in emotions on the part of a victim. This paper pursues a virtue-theoretic account of the human person in the context of the theology of Thomas Aquinas, arguing that human forgiveness is the form love takes by an offended toward her offender. The paper argues, first, for the priority of the offended person's self-love and, second, for such self-love's extension into love of the offender as another self. The paper explores in depth the challenges of seeing one's enemy as "another self." Forgiving, the paper argues, is the most important act a person performs, because it is an act no one else can perform for us. This has negative implications for its possibility in the criminal law. The argument is developed, in part, in dialogue with contemporary theorists such as Jeffrie Murphy, Joanna North, Charles Griswold, Timothy Jackson, and Gaelle Fiasse.

The Post's suggested reading for the President on educational choice

I am a few days late on this, but I hope readers had a chance to see this op-ed, in the Washington Post, regarding the D.C. school-choice program, which the new Congress has been attacking:

PRESIDENT OBAMA reportedly has a hefty reading list while vacationing this week, but we would like to offer two additions, both hot off the presses. One is an article by the education expert who studied the D.C. voucher program; the second is a study on school safety in the city's public and private schools. Read together, they might cause the president to rethink his administration's wrong-headed decision to shut down the voucher program to new students. . . . 

As we've said before, vouchers aren't the answer to Washington's school troubles; we enthusiastically support public school reform and quality charter schools, too. But vouchers are an answer for some children whose options otherwise are bleak. In Washington, they also are part of a carefully designed social-science experiment that may provide useful evidence for all schools on helping low-income children learn. Why would a Democratic administration and Congress want to cut such an experiment short?

Why, in particular, would an administration that some say is, or at least aspires to be, a promoter of the vision shared by the Catholic Social Tradition attack an experiment that enjoys overwhelming support from that Tradition?

Taxing churches

Gerald Russello is concerned (here) that "to tax churches is to muzzle religion."  (I explored this and related concerns a few years ago in this law-review article.)  A taste:

[T]he existence of churches and their ability to freely practice their faith — including calling politicians to live that faith — exist apart from, and prior to, state power. If taxation is one way for the state to limit and restrict churches to fulfill their mission, and so is limited, the threat of removing tax-exempt status can be used to the same effect. In any event, why can’t churches promote political positions? Involvement of religious organizations with public causes — such as those against slavery or in support of the temperance movement — are a firm part of American history. The evolution of the IRS rules has become another example of a secular culture hostile to the religious traditions of the nation.

For a detailed study of the IRS rules regarding political activity by charitable organizations, and an analysis of these rules in light of the First Amendment and religious-liberty-protecting statutes, see this paper by my colleague, Lloyd Mayer.