With the "Summons of Freedom," Center for Ethics and Culture once again put on an outstanding interdisciplinary conference as reported in a couple of posts by Rick. Although there is much to report from the many excellent panels and discussions, the defining moment of the conference for me came at the 5pm Mass on Saturday at the Basilica of the Sacred Heart. As I looked around, I saw prominent Baptist academics - a college president, former provosts, and esteemed professors along with some of their students - reverently joining their prayers with ours in what I view as a hopeful sign of and desire for Christian unity.
Monday, November 16, 2009
The Center for Ethics and Culture and our Baptist Friends
Sunday, November 15, 2009
Georgetown Symposium: A New Abortion Debate
Yet another excellent conference taking place in what appears to be the busiest week of MOJ-interest-related conferences in history was the one organized at Georgetown Law School by the Progressive Alliance for Life and the Law Students for Reproductive Justice: A New Abortion Debate: Emerging Perspectives on Choice, Life and Law.
The program got off to an exceptionally strong start despite the fact that the flu had bested two of the planned speakers on the first panel on the topic: "Beyond Roe: The Costs of Constitutionalizing the Right to Abortion." The last minute substitutes were fantastic. One was our very own Susan Stabile, who previewed the talk she'll be presenting next week at the Murphy Institute's Christian Realism conference, "An Effort to Articulate a Catholic Realist Approach to Abortion." It's an extremely thoughtful piece that ought to help all of us think through more clearly how we are called to engage the abortion debate. I hope it will be ready for posting soon.
Another last minute substitute was one of the Georgetown faculty members instrumental in putting the conference together, the brilliant and always thoughtful Dean Robin West. She presented her recent Yale Law Journal Article "From Choice to Reproductive Justice: De-Constitutionalizing Abortion Rights", 118 Yale L.J. 1394 (2009). Key quote:
. . . constitutionalizing this . . . right to choose . . . legitimates . . . the lack of public support given parents in fulfiling their caregiving obligations. By giving pregnant women the choice to opt out of parenting by purchasing an abortion, we render parenting a market commodity, and thereby systematically legitmate the various baselines to which she agrees when she opts in : an almost entirely privatized system of childcare, a mixed private and public but prohibitively expensive healthcare system, and a publicly provided education system that delivers a product, the quality of which is spotty at best and disastrously inadequate at worst. Narrowly, by giving her a choice, her consent legitimates the parental burden to which she has consented. . . . The choice-based argumnts for abortion rights strengthen the impulse to simply leave her with the consequences of her bargain. She has chosen this route, so it is hers to travel alone. To presume otherwise would be paternalistic. The woman's 'choice' mutes any attempt to make her claims for assistance cognizable.
I moderated a panel on "Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Abortion, Reproduction and Human Rights," in which Shari Motro from the University of Richmond School of Law presented an article that will soon be appearing in Northwestern L. Rev., "The Price of Pleasure." She argues for a need to reconceptualize the legal relationship between unmarried lovers who conceive a child, giving the mother the obligation to notify the father, and giving the father an obligation to share in the costs of the pregnancy. Key quote from a draft of that article:
treating lovers who have conceived as strangers is wrong because treating all human beings as strangers is wrong. Pregancy and the act of love that brings it about are the ultimate embodiment of our essential connectedness, of our vulnerability at the hands of another, of our lack of control in relationship. What do men and women want when we conceive? The first, the most important thing we want is not necessarily automony or equality or privacy. We value all of these, but as importantly many of us want also not to be left alone.
Why do I single those two quotes as "key quotes"? I saw both as striking examples of the natural law written on all of our hearts. Both of these articles are written by women committed to defending the right to abortion. Yet both are critiques of some aspects of contemporary feminist theory based on the same insights being articulated by the most died-in-the-wool, "conservative", Catholic JP2 "new feminists." There are so many fronts on which the "culture of death" needs to be engaged, in addition to front of the legalization of abortion. It is heartening to know that we have such strong allies on some of these other fronts.
The conference also had superb presentations by people who were committed pro-lifers, such as Patrick Lee from the Franciscan University of Steubenville, Rev. Joseph Isanga of Ave Maria, Pedro Pallares of the Universidad Panamericana in Guadalajara, Mexico (who was stopping here on his way to present at Notre Dame's Center for Ethics and Culture Conference), Charles Lugosi, and Kristen Day, of Democrats for Life. From the dialogue at the conference and informal conversations during breaks, it was clear to me that the tone of the conference was succeeding in creating a space for more openness to the arguments being made by these panelists among the "pro-choicers." If we can create the trust to work together on areas of common agreement -- like the need for more social support for parenting, and (to give another example from a presentation by Malika Saada Saar, founder of the Rebecca Project) the need to stop shackling women prisoners during childbirth -- we can't help but be more persuasive, in the long run.
(Ironically, I thought that the least "successful" panel in that regard was the panel directly addressing "Finding Common Ground in the Abortion Debate", because the majority of those panelists had been directly involved in the health care proposal debate, and tempers on both sides were still a bit raw.)
The day ended with serious discussions on putting together a book on the conference. Stay tuned...
Rob Vischer's new book
This blurb of mine appears on the dust jacket of Rob's new book (or so I have been told):
"There is no freedom more essential to the flourishing of a truly liberal democracy than the freedom to live one's life in accord with the yield of one's conscience--that is, with one's religious and/or moral convictions and commitments. And yet, the nature and implications of that freedom--which we may call freedom (or liberty) of conscience, and which of course cannot be absolute--are not well understood. Conscience and the Common Good is an excellent, engaging discussion of how to understand freedom of conscience and of how to protect it in a contemporary democracy, such as the United States, whose citizens disagree deeply among themselves about such morally fraught matters as abortion and same-sex marriage. Robert Vischer's book is must reading for citizens and scholars interested in freedom of conscience."
Speaking Salient Truths versus 'Scoring Points'
Hello All,
A few thoughts on the present colloquy between Michael and Robby.
1. The first point is that it's probably worth maintaining, at least as a regulative ideal, the goal of neither attempting to be, nor even of conceiving of ourselves, as 'liberals' or 'conservatives,' at least as those terms are conventionally employed in contemporary American political discourse. Indeed it has long seemed to me one of the great virtues of Catholic social and political thought that it proceeds from a coherent normative orientation toward the world, in such a way as often renders it at odds on various critical matters with most if not all of the dominant secular political parties and orientations, which latter do not appear to operate under any constraints of theoretic coherence. Most conspicuously, of course, the tradition of Catholic social and political thought has tended in recent decades to find itself at odds with Democratic Party platforms in respect of such pre-birth 'life' issues as abortion and stem-cell research, and with Republican Party platforms on such post-birth 'life' issues as capital punishment, elective war, and the social safety net. And that means, it seems to me, that most Catholics will tend not to be able to think of themselves as univocally 'Democrat' or 'Republican.' (I for my part used to fantasize about founding something that might be called a 'Christian Socialist' party, save that I'd want to make clear that the 'socialism' I'd have in mind would be some form of 'market' socialism, while the 'Christian' I'd have in mind would, for these political as distinguished from ecclesial purposes, be such as to embrace all, in the wonderful Vatican locution, 'people of good will.' That would doubtless include hundreds of millions of our Protestant, Jewish, Muslim, Hindu, Jain, Buddhist, and ... sisters and brothers. This party, as I dreamed of it, would have been pro-life both before and after the birth of the living being, and would cherish all forms of life on the earth, while viewing the human form of life as the 'steward' or 'servant' form. But enough of that for now.)
2. The second point is that it would seem to be quite consistent with, if not indeed a mandate of, our participation in the Catholic community of faith that we participate in that community's 'prophetic' function in addition to its sacramental and liturgical functions. Now I for one have often recoiled, perhaps as a consequence of a (non-politically) conservative temperament, at the oft-seeming self-flattery involved in locutions like 'our prophetic mission' and so forth, at least when heard from people whose involvements with their faiths seemed to be more or less like the involvements of casual sports-viewers with their televisions. But the fact is nevertheless that our Church acts as a witness and as a light unto the world, and certainly one altogether legitimate channel through which it does so is by providing a voice to the unjustifiably voiceless in our larger polity. Affording that voice, it seems to me, is not 'point-scoring' for a political party or political block in any cheap, gamey sense unless one's aim is to advance the cause of that party or block, as distinguished from that of those unjustifiably voiceless of God's creatures on whose behalf the Church is charged with the task of speaking. Now there can surely be times when one judges that the cause of a particular political party or bloc is more in snych with the cause of one's Church than is that of another. And so there can often be times when one might (a) reasonably 'take sides' with that party or bloc on the relevant 'issues,' buth also (b) in so doing for a sustained period of time, risk confounding the ally in that side-taking with the Church itself. I therefore tend to think it's incumbent on all of us to take special care to avoid the ever-present danger that is (b), while recognizing and prudently acting upon the sensible course of action that is (a). And one sign that one is not adequately avoiding the pitfall that is (b) would presumably be that one overlooks the errors of the political groups with which one is making common cause while triumphally trumpeting the errors of those political groups with which one is not.
3. Finally third, I think it fair to recognize, prior to any leap to the conclusion that somebody has fallen into 'trap (b)' as I've just characterized it, that there are times in the political life of our nation where the inconsistencies, hypocrisies, or other errors of one political party or bloc can be more abundant, or conspicuous, or dangerous, or otherwise salient than at other times, and than those of other political parties or blocs. There is no doubt what ever that the inconsistencies and hypocrisies of the Democratic Party in particular were especially evident in the early and mid-1990s, for example. Many who know me know that I fulminated quite furiously about the silencing of Governor Casey in the 1992 Democratic Party Convention. (I still do!) They also know that I was so disgusted by regular dissembling on the part of President Clinton, on a multitude of non-trivial political 'issues,' in the mid-1990s that I actually wrote in the name of Casey in the 1996 election, rather than vote for the Democratic candidate on whom I had quite given up, or the Republican candidate who I'd always found exceptionally dark, sinister, and opportunistic. (Asked whether the stance on abortion would matter to him in his selection of a running mate, some of you might recall from that time, Dole replied something like, 'no more than if he is left or right handed.') But to all appearances as I perceived them, something truly 'flipped' in the later 1990s. The idea that an all-out constitutional crisis should be opportunistically induced, all in order to score gratuitous political points in respnse to an undisciplined man's excruciatingly embarrassing if not indeed disgusting sexual blunder, by an opposition political party many if not most of whose seat-holders in Congress had been serial adulterers as well as serial husbands themselves, was just too much to tolerate any longer. For me, that marked the day that this party officially became a grave danger to the governability and long-term existence of our thus far remarkably successful experiment in pluralist republican democracy. And things have only grown worse from that quarter since those days, all while the Democratic Party has landed a multitude of 'pro-life' members in Congress and has just wrought the Stupack Amendment (which many appear to believe goes much further than any constitutionally plausible Republican 'pro-life' measure of recent years). If you add to all this the fact that Republican leaders, members of Congress, and 'grass roots' rank & file have since the summer routinely been (a) lying - yes, lying - about the President's place of birth, about the President's taking 'In God We Trust' off of the coinage, about health insurance legislation of the kind for which the Bishops themselves have been calling for decades, and a multitude of other important public matters, all while (b) whipping up paranoid fantasies and seditious intentions which actually are inducing armed - yes, armed - crazies to attend 'tea party' rallies, and (c) literally shouting down and shutting down public fora - including not only 'town hall' meetings, but the floor of the House of Representatives itself - to prevent people from taking part in public deliberations, ... it grows very difficult indeed not to view today's Republican Party, which looks more like a sibling, within the same holding company structure, of Fox 'News' every day, as Threat One to the governability and longterm sustainability of our polity. What is Threat Two? Why, right now, that might well be the Democratic Party, which appears to be owned in significant measure by a Wall Street consortium. And while Michael, I, and many others here are attending to the clear and present danger that is the RNC, I have no doubt - and no worry - that Robby and many others will attend to that momentarily lesser danger that is the DNC. I say thank goodness -- and Robby et al -- for that.
Thanks for the rippin' conversation,
Bob
Vischer-fest at the Center for Ethics & Culture
Yesterday, I moderated a panel discussion on our colleague Rob's forthcoming book, "Conscience and the Common Good." (Pre-order it here!) The participants included MOJ's Patrick Brennan, as well as Michael Moreland and Nora O'Callaghan. It was a really nice event, featuring tough questions and thoughtful answers. I hope Rob and Patrick will share, here on MOJ, some of what went on during the discussion.
Here, just to refresh your recollection, is the book's animating idea:
Our society's longstanding commitment to the liberty of conscience has become strained by our increasingly muddled understanding of what conscience is and why we value it. Too often we equate conscience with individual autonomy, and so we reflexively favor the individual in any contest against group authority, losing sight of the fact that a vibrant liberty of conscience requires a vibrant marketplace of morally distinct groups. Defending individual autonomy is not the same as defending the liberty of conscience because, although conscience is inescapably personal, it is also inescapably relational. Conscience is formed, articulated, and lived out through relationships, and its viability depends on the law's willingness to protect the associations and venues through which individual consciences can flourish: these are the myriad institutions that make up the space between the person and the state. Conscience and the Common Good reframes the debate about conscience by bringing its relational dimension into focus.
A great Notre Dame moment
Certainly, there have been few such moments on the football field this season. But, on Friday morning, at the Center for Ethics & Culture's (wonderful) Fall Conference, "The Summons of Freedom," I attended a very interesting panel on Maritain, Murray, Pope Pius XII, and religious freedom. The papers presented were all very enlightening. During the Q & A, while we were talking and thinking about Murray, my esteemed colleague Bob Rodes shared an intervention. (Here is a paper I did, a few years ago, on Bob's church-state work.) Then, it hit me: "We are talking about Murray, with a legal scholar whom Murray cited in 'We Hold These Truths'!"
Very cool.
A thought for the day ...
"The art of being wise is knowing what to overlook." --William James
Dear Michael,
Saturday, November 14, 2009
Extra, Extra, Read All About It: FORT HOOD KILLER ADVISED OBAMA TRANSITION!!!!!
Here.
God help us!
Dear Robby, ...
... do you also maintain a file titled "conservative hypocrisy"? If not, why not? Is it only "liberal hypocrisy" that matters .. or that engages you? What, dear Robby, is your point? I can't fathom why anyone would think--and I am sure that Rob Hockett does not think, and was not intimating--that hypocrisy is more on the right than on the left. What is the point in maintaining a file just on "liberal hypocrisy"? In any event, are you suggesting that it was wrong to point out, on MOJ, the hypocrisy of the RNC? Granted, it would have been much more powerful if *you* had pointed it out. Did it occur to you that *you* should point it out? Does it occur to you now that instead of posting as you did, *you* should weigh in on the hypocrisy of the RNC? (Just to anticipate: If there had been an MOJ in 1996, I would have trumpeted--I am a congenital trumpeter--that I was disgusted with Bill Clinton--this, well before Monicagate!--and I would have explained why I could not vote for him. Just one example.)