Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Tuesday, March 9, 2010

Via Negativa

In theology there is a well-established method which holds that God is so utterly ineffable, so utterly beyond our comprehension that there is little one can say about God, aside from what is known through revelation.  Rather, the human mind can come to understand the Divine only by saying what God is not.

There might well be a parallel method with respect to answering the seemingly vexing question "What does it mean to be a Catholic university?"  or "What should a Catholic university look like in the academic programs it sponsors and makes available to students?"

Recent history is of course marked by a variety of responses to this question.  And that is to be expected.  Surely there is a wide latitude within which a university can operate still be true to its Catholic identity.  As to the specifics, well, reasonable people can disagree.

But this pluralism cannot be without bounds.  There must be things that a "Catholic university" is not.  Hopefully we can all agree that Catholic identity cannot be found in providing an advocacy platform for views that the Catholic Church believes are not only untrue but profoundly unjust.

Hopefully we can all agree that a Catholic university doesn't look like this.

Monday, March 8, 2010

Judge not?

I'm grateful for the friendly tone of Steve's most recent comment, and happy to reflect with him on the important question he raises:

"I wonder in general what the standard is for calling one’s Catholicism into question and I wonder whether [Ted] Kennedy’s actions ever crossed that threshold."

I've already said all I intend to say about Ted Kennedy's conduct, and I've cited biographical works that contain all the gory details.  Here I'll say a word in reply to Steve's question about "the standard for calling [some]one's Catholicism into question."  I think it is legitimate---and sometimes necessary---to do so when a politician cultivates an image of himself as devout and uses his religion for political gain, yet consistently defies its tenets in the way he lives.  Such a politician can scarcely appeal to the "judge not" principle to immunize himself from criticism or to condemn those who expose his hypocrisy.

That is why I opened my very first post replying to Steve with the following points:

"Joseph P. Kennedy, John F. Kennedy, and Edward M. Kennedy (until public revelations of his conduct made it no longer possible) each depicted himself, or permitted his political machinery to depict him, as a man who was loyal in belief and practice to Catholic teaching.  They used their professed Catholicism to paint a false picture of themselves for political purposes.  They sought to deceive the voting public, Catholic and non-Catholic alike, about the kind of men they were, and they exploited the image they created of themselves as dedicated Catholics who lived by the teachings of the Church."

Had the Kennedys (those I mentioned, not everyone in the family---certainly not Eunice Kennedy Shriver, for example) not ginned up a false image of themselves as deeply loyal to Catholic teaching and exploited that image for politican gain, there would have been no hypocrisy for Professor Arkes, me, or anyone else to point out.

Steve says that he finds attacks on the dead to be unsettling.  This is to his personal credit, but I think I can assure him that it is not a function of his "liberal squeamshness."  Like Steve, I live in a segment of the world populated almost entirely by liberals.  In my twenty-five years as a professor, I've encountered no squeamishness about criticizing dead conservatives---often in the most vituperative terms.  You can test this yourself:  just mention "Richard Nixon" or "Ronald Reagan" or "Jerry Falwell" in the faculty lounge.

Who may attend Catholic schools?

I'm all in favor of religious communities managing their own membership boundary lines -- a meaningful sense of belonging presumes a right to exclude -- but I'm having a hard time wrapping my head around the rationale behind removing the child of same-sex parents from Catholic school.  This story is generating the predictable left-right divisions within the blogosphere, and I don't have much interest in contributing on that front.  I'm more interested in what this says about the nature and mission of Catholic education.  I can see how tailoring the school's teaching to the preferences of parents might cause concern, but assuming that the school stays true to Church teaching, why would the presence of a child being raised by a same-sex couple cause a scandal?  And don't the kids who are not exposed to the Church's values at home have the most pressing need for the Catholic school's teaching?  

I did not attend Catholic school (nor do my kids), so I'm by no means an expert here -- is it common for kids to get kicked out of Catholic schools based on the conduct or lifestyles of their parents?  E.g., Are children of Mafia figures kicked out?  Have children of divorced and remarried parents been kicked out?  I don't intend these questions to be snarky or rhetorical -- the Church's witness on an issue that is so prone to reflexive accusations of mean-spirited discrimination requires consistent and principled policies.  Has the Church been consistent in deciding which children may attend Catholic schools?

SSM and employee benefits

Thanks to Fr. Araujo (and others) for responding to my post asking how the extension of benefits to same-sex spouses legitimizes same-sex marriage.  I'm trying to figure out what's doing the "work" of legitimization here: whether it's the very fact that benefits are being extended to a same-sex partner that matters, or whether it's the message sent by that extension, which obviously will depend on the circumstances.  Let's say that, in a state where SSM is not recognized, the state legislature, rather than passing a law recognizing SSM and forbidding discrimination against same-sex spouses in the provision of employment benefits, passed the following law:

The state government will not enter into a contract for services with any organization unless the organization 1) makes health care coverage available to its employees; and 2) makes coverage available for the employee's dependents, as well as for one other adult with whom the employee is in a caregiving relationship, as designated by the employee.

Inartful legislative drafting aside, would this still be a problem for Catholic organizations? 

Robert George, Ted Kennedy, and Criticism of the Dead (and the Living)

I will make three final observations regarding Robert George’s attack on the Kennedy family:

1.    I see his point about social justice. I had read him to say that the Kopechne matter together with Kennedy’s position on abortion and stem cell research justified the Arkes conclusion.

2.    I did not maintain that Ted Kennedy’s only grave sin in his life took place forty years ago. I observed that George’s attack was based on a forty-year old matter. In reply, George contended that Kennedy’s later life was so marred by sin that it is appropriate to call his Catholicism into question. I doubt George means that Kennedy’s statements about his religious faith were fraudulent. Given that virtually all Catholics sin on a daily basis, I wonder in general what the standard is for calling one’s Catholicism into question and I wonder whether Kennedy’s actions ever crossed that threshold. Perhaps all George means to say is that Kennedy committed many grave sins in his life that were not consistent with Catholicism. If so, Kennedy had much company, but I took George to be saying something more.  

3.    Finally, I do not agree that the question is whether Catholicism benefits when Catholics expose unjustified reputations of other Catholics. Perhaps, it is my liberal squeamishness, but I find attacks on the dead to be unsettling. I agree that criticism of politicians is fair game when they are alive. But the Bible is filled with admonitions like Do not judge, so you will not be judged. Matt: 7,1. See also Luke 6:37, 41, Romans 14: 10, 13. I must say I regret the instrumental mode in which these admonitions are cast, but the message is that such judging is not for us. If this admonition applies, the Church enters into no compact with the Devil by following Christian principles. I realize this reading would have strong counter cultural implications. It would have severe implications for biographies. So perhaps, I read too much into this. At a minimum, it suggests we should take no pleasure in negative revelations about the living or the dead (I do not mean to suggest that George has taken such pleasure). And perhaps, George’s recognition that he cannot really know what is in the heart of a Kennedy or another person covers this. But my inclination is to believe that the admonitions carry implications for daily gossip and for the ferocity with which we engage those with whom we politically disagree. I do not claim I have a well worked out view (and my comments to friends about Bush and Cheney regrettably do not match my standards), but I think it is this inclination that has fueled my response to George’s posts on the Kennedy family. I would be grateful if Robert or others would comment on the meaning of these admonitions for our private and public (whether teaching, writing, or blogging) lives.

Catholic universities and "Behemoth State University"

A few days ago, at Public Discourse, Robert Coons asked, "What will replace Behemoth State University?"  What can those of us who think about "the Catholic university question" contribute to answering his question?  Comments are open!

Asylum for Home-Schoolers

Here's a more recent news story about a matter that came up before here at MOJ:

On a quiet street in this little town in the foothills of the Smoky Mountains lives a family of refugees who were granted asylum in the United States because they feared persecution in their home country.

The reason for that fear has rarely, if ever, been the basis of an asylum case. The parents, Uwe and Hannelore Romeike, want to home-school their five children, ranging in age from 2 to 12, a practice illegal in their native land, Germany. . . .

“We’re all surprised [by the judge's decision granting asylum] because we consider the German educational system as very excellent,” said Lutz Hermann Görgens, the German consul general in Atlanta. He defended Germany’s policy on the grounds of fostering the ability “to peacefully interact with different values and different religions.” . . .

"Gay Catholic Ex-Stripper Awaits Birth of Twins Carried By Husband's Sister"

Wow.  What a headline.

Sunday, March 7, 2010

A single episode 40 years ago?

Steve Shiffrin needs to re-read what I wrote.  He accuses me of "catapulting" my disagreements with Ted Kennedy over abortion and stem cell research into a claim that Kennedy did not impose his religion on himself.  He then declares me to be guilty of a "cheap exaggeration."  But if Steve goes back to what I wrote he will find that my discussion of Kennedy's views about abortion and embryo-destructive research was entirely in the context of explaining why I disagree with Steve about whether Kennedy should be regarded as a champion of social justice.  (I expressly noted that, since Steve and I disagree on some important points as to what constitutes social justice, I can entirely understand why he thinks that Kennedy deserves to be so regarded.)  Of course, I could have marshaled what I regard as Kennedy's grave injustices against the unborn as a failure of (among other things) fidelity to his Catholic faith, but that would have begged the question against Steve and others who do not share my view that advocacy of legal abortion and its funding and embryo-destructive research is a grave injustice.  So I kept the focus on patterns of conduct by Joseph, John, and Edward Kennedy that practically everyone would agree cannot be squared with Catholic faith.

Ted Kennedy's conduct at Chappaquiddick was, as Steve himself says, and as I'm sure all Catholics and other men and women of good sense would agree, reprehensible.  But, as my article with Professor Quinn makes clear, his bad behavior in the matter was not confined to what happened on the evening of the accident and on the morning that followed. Nor, as the historical record shows, did his immoral conduct (in which I personally would include the calumniation of Robert Bork, though perhaps Steve will disagree about that) begin or end with Chappaquiddick.  Steve says, "to telescope a man's life into a sinful episode 40 years ago, and to portray it as the way Kennedy lived his life as a Catholic is indefensible,"  Happily for purposes of resolving the questions in this debate (though quite unhappily in every other way), there is plenty of evidence in the record to show that Kennedy's misconduct was frequent and often scandalous (quite literally so, especially for his sons and nephews---people who are familiar with Kennedy's own testimony in the William Kennedy Smith rape trial will know all about that).  The details are available in amply documented published accounts.  If, to sustain his accusation that what I've said about Ted Kennedy is "indefensible," Steve wants to claim that there is no evidence beyond "a sinful episode 40 years ago" for Kennedy's blatant disregard for Catholic moral principles, I would urge him to have a look at even so sympathetic a review of Kennedy's life as Adam Clymer's recent Edward M. Kennedy:  A Biography.  Clymer, the New York Times writer once unflatteringly characterized by George W. Bush when the then newly elected President didn't realize the microphone was still on, admires Kennedy and likes his politics, giving him high marks for his career in the Senate.  But even this work dispels what might be called the "single episode 40 years ago" thesis. (Needless to say, less sympathetic writers leave the thesis utterly in tatters.)

If I'm right about the way Catholics like Joseph, John, and Ted Kennedy exploited their Catholic religious identity politically while disregarding key elements of it in their personal lives (refusing, as Professor Arkes put it, to impose their religion even on themselves), and if I am also correct in saying that at least some Catholics (including perhaps some Catholic leaders) remained silent, and even played along with it in the hope of benefiting the Catholic faith, are there lessons we should draw from it?  Does Catholic legal and political theory have anything useful to contribute to understanding the relationship between personal character, religious authenticity and integrity, and statesmanship?  No one would say that personal recititude and integrity are sufficient for sound statesmanship.  (A virtuous individual may govern imprudently and even foolishly.)  But are they necessary?  If less than strictly necessary, are they more than a little desirable?  Can it ever be "good for the Church" for a Catholic political figure to secure an unjustified reputation for fidelity to its teachings in the way he leads his life?  Is it ever "better for the faith" that a Catholic leader with an unjustified reputation for religious fidelity is able to hang on to that reputation and not be exposed?

A justified cavil from a reader

An MoJ reader has written to express agreement with what I posted about the Kennedys, but to "cavil" as he put it, on one point.  I said that JFK did not "even try" to impose his religion on himself.  The reader points out that none of us can say that definitively, since no one can read another's heart.  He's right.  I should have said that nothing in the historical record demonstrates efforts by Kennedy before or during his presidency to stop committing adultery---on moral grounds, at least. There was a point shortly before his election as President when he lamented to a confidant that it would be impossible, as a practical matter, to continue his womanizing while in the White House.  Very quickly after his inauguration, however, he discovered ways to keep it going.  There is much in the record to show that after acts of adultery he immediately began planning future such acts and making the arrangements necessary to pull them off without being exposed and damaged politically.