Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Wednesday, June 1, 2011

Gallup 2011 Values and Beliefs Poll

With all due qualifications about the limits of such polling, the results of Gallup's 2011 Values and Beliefs Poll are interesting for many reasons. I'll highlight two and leave others to weigh in with their favorites in the comments:

1. I'm disturbed by the high (45%) level of moral acceptance of physician-assisted suicide. That number has fallen very slightly over the past few years, but it's a reminder that the physician-assisted suicide debate isn't going away anytime soon.

2. I'm also disturbed by trends on the moral acceptability of pornography. Though pornography is viewed as morally wrong by 66% of the respondents, there's a significant generational difference. 42% of 18 to 34 year-olds think pornography is morally acceptable, which makes the moral acceptablity of pornography the issue with the greatest variation among age groups (just 19% of those over age 55 think it's morally acceptable).

Dolan Letter

[Cross-posted at dotCommonweal] 

At America's blog, Vincent Miller has a terrific post up that pretty much captures my own views on Dolan's letter to Rep. Ryan:

On matters concerning abortion, and now marriage, the bishops are quick to react and don’t shy from direct public confrontation.  In 2008, when Nancy Pelosi opined on her understanding of the Church’s teaching on abortion in the patristic period, a sharply worded correction was issued within 48 hours signed by the chairs of the USCCB committees on Pro-Life Activities and Doctrine.

Under Cardinal George, the USCCB waded fully into the weeds of policy interpretation and lobbied heavily against passage of the Senate version of the Affordable Care Act.  Experts in the field were skeptical of their legal interpretation.  But even as they publically argued against the legislation around the clock and lobbied Rep. Stupak and others to reject a compromise based on an executive order, no public pressure was brought to bear on Catholic Republicans in the Senate, who could have easily provided the votes to include the Stupak amendment in the Senate bill, and voted for cloture to allow Democrats to pass it.

One side always receives loud, pointed, public criticism; the other always gets a free pass.

I think this about sums it up.  It's well and good to point out -- as Dolan rightly does -- that resolving issues of economic policy almost always call for the exercise of prudential reason.  But, as I've argued before, there must be some economic policy proposals whose alleged tendency to benefit the poor is so implausible that those who support them bear a heavy burden of justifying their professed belief that the proposals are consistent with the preferential option for the poor.  (And here, I mean justified both in the sense of proving that they are not lying when they claim that their primary interest is in helping the poor and of demonstrating that, even if they are not lying about their motives, their beliefs meet some minimum threshold of rationality.)

Ryan's plan seems to fit the bill for a set of proposals that calls for the application of this heavy burden, if anything does.  To cut taxes for the rich and for corporations while effectively eliminating two of the pillars of the post-War social safety net is, on its face, a policy that appears to favor the interests of the rich over those of the poor.  The only argument to the contrary appears to be that  (1) addressing the national debt is essential to the long-term well-being of the poor and (2) the standard supply-side mantra that the best way to accomplish (1) is by cutting taxes, which will unleash economic energy, creating a rising economic tide that will lift all boats, and reducing the national debt at the same time.  Although (1) is probably correct, the real heart of the matter is (2).  And there is simply no credible empirical support for the idea that, given the baseline of present levels of taxation in this country, cutting taxes on the rich will benefit the poor in any meaningful sense.

The weak tea that Dolan offers in response to the Ryan plan suggests that, unlike issues of sexual morality, when it comes to economic policy, politicians mouthing the words of Catholic social teaching is enough to satisfy many in the hierarchy, no matter how much the actual details of the proposed economic policies appear to belie claims of fidelity to the principles that lie at the heart of that teaching.  As Miller observes, and Dolan's protestations notwithstanding, that imbalanced approach is hardly likely to make both political parties unhappy.

A Sample of John Finnis

For those of us watching Scotty win on American Idol (Yeah, Garner, NC!!) a small taste of John Finnis can be found on SSRN. This is the introduction to Intention and Identity: Collected Essays Vol. II. It "introduces the volume’s 19 published and unpublished essays, and follows the volume’s division into four Parts: Nature and Freedom in Personal Identity; Group Identity and Group Acts; Acts and Intentions; and Persons Beginning and Dying." Finnis describes the introduction and its place among the volumes this way:

The Introduction, like the volume, intersects with the Introductions to, and contents of, the other volumes in the five-volume set, which is published just before the second edition of Natural Law and Natural Rights, reformatted to accompany the set and incorporating a 65-page Postscript. The Collected Essays are I Reason in Action, II Intention and Identity, III Human Rights and Common Good, IV Philosophy of Law, V Religion and Public Reasons. Each volume includes the index for the set, and the author’s bibliography.

The publication of this massive work will be a feast for Finnis fans, and a useful reference for many years to come. 

 

 


Tuesday, May 31, 2011

John Finnis

While much of the country was anticipating the conclusion of “American Idol,” I was waiting for the arrival of the five volumes of The Collected Essays of John Finnis from Oxford University Press. I’m just now starting to dip into the essays, which gather the highlights of Finnis’s writings since 1967. One is immediately struck by the extraordinary range of topics on which Finnis has written over that period--philosophy of law, of course, but also issues in bioethics, political theory, moral philosophy, moral theology, and history. MOJ readers will be especially interested in the essays in Volume III, Human Rights and the Common Good, which take up John Rawls, immigration, theories of punishment, just war theory, euthanasia, abortion, and marriage. Even those who disagree with him must acknowledge that Finnis's work--preeminently Natural Law and Natural Rights but also his other books and these essays--is among the towering achievements in Catholic intellectual life over the past 50 years. (By the way, now would be a good time to make your plans to attend the conference at Villanova Law on September 30th of this year celebrating Finnis's work.)

I’ll post some thoughts here as I work through the volumes over the coming weeks and months, but I was especially taken by these final words of Finnis's Introduction to Volume V, Religion and Public Reasons. (Each volume's dustjacket has a painting associated with Finnis's native Adelaide, South Australia. The dustjacket for Volume V is the painting below by S.T. Gill, View of Lake Torrens, 22 August):

The gaze of the intrepid Horrocks and Gill into an immensity of distance can be taken as one icon of the interest and attitude we call religion. Another, certainly, is the Baconian search for forms buried deeper by far in physical matter than had been suspected by the late Aristotelian tradition of transmitting science through teaching rather than investigation and replication. And another is the gaze of an Aquinas, awake in the priory chapel in the earliest morning hours to adore the eternal God hidden, as he believed, under the appearances of a wafer of wheat flour, and to make himself ready for the public work of collaborating in understanding everything that matters, and reasoning about truths and other goods.

OL-HQ-997P40 

 

History of (Legal) Ideas

I came across this elegant reflection by Isaiah Berlin about the nature of intellectual history.  From "Russian Intellectual History," an essay collected in The Power of Ideas, 68-69:

What is intellectual history?  It is not a clear and self-explanatory concept.  Such terms as 'political history', 'economic history' and 'social history', however vague their frontiers, however much they may overlap with one another, are not in this sense obscure.  They denote accounts of what certain more or less definable groups of human beings have done and suffered, of the interaction between their members, of the deeds and destinies of those individuals who have been influential in altering the lives of their fellows in certain specific ways, of the interplay between them and external nature or other groups of human beings, of the development of their institutions -- legislative, judicial, administrative, religious, economic, artistic -- and so on . . . . But what is intellectual history?  A history of ideas?  What ideas and conceived by whom? . . . . What is the subject of such speculations and disagreements?  If not the specific ideas that belong to specific disciplines, then what?  General ideas, we shall be told.  What are these?  This is much more difficult to answer . . . .

By 'general ideas' we refer in effect to beliefs, attitudes and mental and emotional habits, some of which are vague and undefined, others of which have become crystallised into religious, legal, or political systems, moral doctrines, social outlooks, psychological dispositions and so forth.  One of the qualities common to such systems and their constituent elements is that, unlike a good many scientific and common-sense propositions, it does not seem possible to test their validity or truth  by means of precisely definable, agreed criteria, or even to show them to be acceptable or unacceptable by means of widely accepted methods.  The most that can be said of them is that they are to be found in that intermediate realm in which we expect to find opinions, general intellectual and moral principles, scales of value and value judgments, mental dispositions and individual social attitudes -- everything that is loosely collected under such descriptions as 'intellectual background', 'climate of opinion', 'social mores', and 'general outlook[.]' . . . . It is this ill-defined but rich realm and its vicissitudes that histories of ideas or 'intellectual histories' supposedly describe, analyse, and explain.

With this stylish, though of necessity imprecise, definition in mind, whom do you think are the leading intellectual historians of law -- not just legal historians, but historians of legal ideas (they may be the same, but they may not be)?

Monday, May 30, 2011

"Catholic Conservatives and the Common Good"

This essay, by Stephen White, is relevant to, well, many of the posts and conversations here at MOJ over the years.  Let's put aside whether we agree, or not, with the essay's policy-related conclusions, and think instead about this paragraph, which strikes me as insightful and important:

Unlike political ideologies of the Right and Left, personalist and communitarian principles are not fundamentally opposed, but complementary. Libertarians and socialists may adhere to incompatible ideologies, but for Catholics, the common good is never “in tension with” (let alone opposed to) the dignity and proper autonomy of the individual person. Subsidiarity is not “balanced against” solidarity. The erosion of solidarity always endangers subsidiarity. In the absence of subsidiarity, solidarity is smothered by dependence upon the state. The dignity of the individual can never be sacrificed in the name of collective utility, and no true individual good can be legitimately won at the expense of the common good.

A "Winn" for Educational Pluralism

The lovely and talented Nicole Stelle Garnett explains (and praises), in the Yale Law Journal's "Pocket Part", the Court's recent decision in Winn, in which the Justices rejected (on "standing" grounds) a (frivolous) Establishment Clause challenge to Arizona's very important and successful tuition-tax-credit program.

"Memory and Punishment"

This is a very interesting paper by Professor O. Carter Snead with the above title.  The paper provides a superb overview of developments in the science of memory alteration, offers a "humanistic" account of the nature of memory (with fitting citations to Proust), and then comments in interesting and insightful ways on the relationship between various traditional functions of punishment and the centrality of memory in their operation.

What Professor Snead says with respect to retribution is especially interesting.  Retribution, in any of its multiple constituent manifestations, depends on a "true and fit" memory on the part of both offenders and jury (at 1246 and following).  Memory modifications (for offender or juror), says Professor Snead, may make the punishment less deserved either because less true to the event and the relevant background or less "fit" to those circumstances.  I found the concept of "fittingness" difficult, but very important.  Professor Snead argues that memory modification might disturb the fittingness of a punishment, but I suppose one would have to know something about the defendant and the jurors (and the community) in order to decide.  If, for example, we were dealing with an affectively stunted individual, perhaps we would want to calibrate memory according to some sort of community scale of fittingness.  Likewise if we were dealing with an individual whose memory was exceptionally keen -- beyond the general sense of fittingness.  Again, if we are interested in a general notion of fittingness along the lines that Professor Snead suggests, perhaps calibration would be in order in such a case as well?

These are just little thoughts.  Take a look at Professor Snead's terrific piece on a deeply interesting subject.

Saturday, May 28, 2011

Utilitarianism

Bernard Williams, John Rawls, and Philippa Foot did a lot over the last half of the twentieth century to make utilitarianism a shady philosophical neighborhood to hang out in, but they’re all dead now. Peter Singer has a review in the TLS (not available online) of Derek Parfit’s new and long-anticipated book (in two volumes and 1400+ pages), On What Matters, which Singer writes is “the most significant work in ethics since Sidgwick’s masterpiece [The Methods of Ethics] was published in 1873.” (Really? More important than On the Genealogy of Morals or A Theory of Justice?) Parfit, so far as I can tell, holds an idiosyncratic version of utilitarianism that is a convergence of modern moral theories ("climbing the same mountain on different sides"). I’ve also been having an exchange over at the Catholic Moral Theology blog with Charlie Camosy about the conference at Oxford on Singer and Christian ethics that Rob Vischer posted about earlier. Suffice to say I think Charlie and I have a disagreement about whether and to what extent there are deep and ineliminable contradictions between consequentialist moral theories (including utilitarianism) and Christian ethics, but to quote Foot: “no decision is more important for practical ethics than that by which we come to embrace or reject utilitarianism.”

School Prayer Pieces

This is a provocative short piece by Professor Bruce Ledewitz commenting on a genre of recurring controversy this time of year (this year, it was Louisiana) and on the legacy of Lee v. Weisman.  In his work, Professor Ledewitz has been grappling with the issue of how secular and religious frameworks might be combined to create something new. 

Also, and as it has been a Steve Smith fest here of late (the Oklahoma conference sounds wonderful), I'd like to get on board and point folks to a related article of Steve's involving the school prayer decisions of the 1960s.