Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Friday, August 26, 2011

Alvare on religious freedom and conscience protection

In this Public Discourse essay, Helen Alvare discusses the important connection between religious freedom -- in particular, the institutional / communal dimension of that freedom -- and the debate about conscience-protection in the health-care and health-insurance contexts.  I particularly liked this paragraph:

Over the course of our history, Americans came to understand that the state’s lack of jurisdiction over questions of ultimate meaning entailed not only allowing individuals to believe privately in a transcendent reality, or to worship as they believed, or even to pray privately and perform good works. Rather, it also entailed recognizing that religion is also exercised in the form of associations that provide services to vulnerable citizens of every background in accordance with religious principles. Throughout American history, religious citizens were not only permitted, but even encouraged, to let their religious convictions to inform their work, and their contributions to public debates were understood to have important consequences for our understanding of human rights and dignity.

Check it out.

A great opportunity to defend religious freedom with the Becket Fund

Senior Legal Counsel

The Becket Fund is seeking an attorney to serve as senior legal counsel in Washington, DC. Becket Fund attorneys litigate cutting-edge cases involving religious liberty across the country and around the world. The ideal applicant will have an appellate clerkship, at least 2-6 years of top-level litigation experience, including experience in a supervisory capacity or working with minimal supervision, and a strong personal commitment to defending religious liberty for people of all faiths. Applicants should send a cover letter, CV, writing sample, and references to Marie Peralta at [email protected]

Two Short Pieces by Stephen Morse

Catholic readers who are interested in issues of criminal responsibility should be paying attention to the work of Stephen Morse.  One kind of currently fashionable criticism of the idea of criminal responsibility comes from those who are interested in applying the insights of neuroscience and genetics to criminal law, in some cases ostensibly to make the larger claim that we ought no longer to rely on ideas of moral blame in criminal law; human behavior is sufficiently biologically determined that the law ought to move beyond primitive ideas of mens rea. 

In this little article, Professor Morse briefly states the case against this position.  These debates are obviously not new; in fact, it's interesting to me that they tend to recur in different forms across time.  Indeed, it was Morse who first brought to my attention that Sir James Fitzjames Stephen (I know, I know...one-track mind) convincingly took the view that Morse now champions (with appropriate changes for contemporary circumstances, of course), in this excellent short piece.

Thursday, August 25, 2011

Bill Keller tees one up for Paul Horwitz

The NYT's Bill Keller poses, here, what he characterizes as some "tougher" questions for the (Republican) presidential candidates about "their religious beliefs."  In my view, the questions (that were not partisan and snarky) actually weren't very tough, but, whatever.  And, as some of the commenters point out, Keller seems to be overlooking the fact that a number of his questions could just as well be posed to (or have been posed to) Pres. Obama.  Still, some of the questions themselves -- again, the ones that are not partisan and snarky -- are ones that Paul Horwitz has thought and written a lot about, including in, well, The NYT. 

Keller's lead ("lede"?) question is, whether it is "fair" to ask candidates about the details of their faith.  In my view, the question invites another:  Why is one asking?  Sometimes, such questions are asked because it is thought by the asker that the content of a candidate's professed religious faith actually tells her something about the candidate's character, loyalties, priorities, loves, commitments, etc., that -- it is honestly thought by the asker -- is relevant to the enterprise of the office the candidate is seeking.  (Example:  Gov. Smith, you are a Quaker.  Given your sincere beliefs about the immorality of violence, could you serve effectively as Commander in Chief?)  Who could object to such a question, assuming it was asked in good faith, and asked -- when relevant -- of both parties' candidates?

At other times, though, it seems to me that the question is asked in order to elicit what the questioner hopes will be an answer that can be presented superficially (after all, not every question about religion can be answered propositionally, or in two sentences), out of context, or in a way that will (the asker hopes?) strike those who hear the answer as just "weird."  (Example:  "Rep. Jones, you are a Mormon.  Tell us about your garments."  Or, "Rep. Johnson, you are a Lutheran.  Doesn't that mean you are anti-Catholic?")  Our shared political life could get along pretty well without these latter sorts of questions, it seems to me. 

Serious talk about religion and politics (especially Mormon undergarments and those crazy evangelicals)!

Bill Keller, executive editor of The New York Times, wants to dig deeper into the religious faith of the GOP candidates.  He explains:

This year’s Republican primary season offers us an important opportunity to confront our scruples about the privacy of faith in public life — and to get over them. We have an unusually large number of candidates, including putative front-runners, who belong to churches that are mysterious or suspect to many Americans. Mitt Romney and Jon Huntsman are Mormons, a faith that many conservative Christians have been taught is a “cult” and that many others think is just weird. (Huntsman says he is not “overly religious.”) Rick Perry, Michele Bachmann and Rick Santorum are all affiliated with fervid subsets of evangelical Christianity, which has raised concerns about their respect for the separation of church and state, not to mention the separation of fact and fiction.

I honestly don’t care if Mitt Romney wears Mormon undergarments beneath his Gap skinny jeans, or if he believes that the stories of ancient American prophets were engraved on gold tablets and buried in upstate New York, or that Mormonism’s founding prophet practiced polygamy (which was disavowed by the church in 1890). Every faith has its baggage, and every faith holds beliefs that will seem bizarre to outsiders. I grew up believing that a priest could turn a bread wafer into the actual flesh of Christ.

So does transubstantiation count as "baggage" or just bizarre?  And putting aside the fact that Rick Santorum is Catholic, why does evangelical Christianity raise concerns about the separation of fact and fiction?  I'm all in favor of more conversation about faith and politics, but let's be careful that the call for conversation isn't just an excuse for tut-tutting about those silly religious people.

The *other* Finnis-fest, at Villanova Law

In addition to the great upcoming conference at Notre Dame  on the work of John Finnis, don't forget that other Finnis-fest to be held at Villanova Law School on September 30, 2011.  The schedule and registration details are here.  The conference is free and open to the public.  We have an incredible line-up:

-John Finnis, Professor of Law and Legal Philosophy, University of Oxford; Biolchini Family Professor, University of Notre Dame
-George Christie, James B. Duke Professor of Law, Duke University School of Law
-Michelle Madden Dempsey, Associate Professor of Law, Villanova University School of Law
-John Keown, Rose M. Kennedy Professor of Christian Ethics, Georgetown University
-Frederick G. Lawrence, Professor of Theology, Boston College
-Mark Murphy, McDevitt Professor of Religious Philosophy, Georgetown University
-Rev. Martin Rhonheimer, Professor of Philosophy, Pontifical University of the Holy Cross (Rome)
-Candace Vogler, Stern Professor of Philosophy, The University of Chicago
-Michael J. White, Professor of Law and of Philosophy, Arizona State University
In addition to the principal speakers, commentators will include our own Michael Moreland (Villanova Law), Anna Moreland (Villanova, theology), Matt Lister (a visiting assistant professor at Villanova Law), Kevin Walsh (U. of Richmond; sometime of Villanova Law), and Rev. Richard Munkelt, Ph.D.

 

Wednesday, August 24, 2011

Strang's Virtue Ethics and Originalism

Readers at MOJ who are interested in constitutional theory will find Lee Strang's new article, Originalism and the Aristotelian Tradition: Virtue's Home in Originalism, well worth reading and thinking about.  As Prof. Strang says in the introduction, current influential originalist approaches tend to favor deontological (e.g., Randy Barnett) or consequentialist (e.g., John McGinnis & Michael Rappaport) underlying moral justifications.  Strang's is the first direct effort (so far as I know) to connect virtue ethics and originalism (Larry Solum has been ploughing both of these fields independently but not, I don't believe, together).

Tuesday, August 23, 2011

China and the Vice President

I take the occasion to follow up on Rick’s post of yesterday concerning Vice President Biden’s unfortunate and misguided words about China’s one child policy. The Vice President said that he fully understands and would not second guess China’s course of action. Yet the Vice President spoke about human rights. I think he meant well by stating the following:

Maybe the biggest difference in our respective approaches are our approaches to what we refer to as human rights.  I recognize that many of you in this auditorium see our advocacy of human rights as at best an intrusion, and at worst an assault on your sovereignty.  I want to tell you directly that this is not our intention.  Yes, for Americans there is a significant moral component to our advocacy.  And we observed where we have failed, as well.  But it is who our people are. But President Obama and I see protecting human rights and freedoms, we see it in a larger context, as well.  Protecting freedoms such as those enshrined in China’s international commitments and in China’s own constitution—we see them as a key aspect of China’s successful emergence and the key continued growth and prosperity.  I know that some in China believe that greater freedom could threaten economic progress by undermining social stability.  I do not pretend to have the answer, but I believe history has shown the opposite to be true, that in the long run, greater openness is a source of stability and a sign of strength, that prosperity peaks when governments foster both free enterprise and free exchange of ideas, that liberty unlocks a people’s full potential.  And in its absence, unrest festers.

It strikes me that the Vice President chose not to throw down any gauntlets during his address and the answers he supplied to questions after he delivered his speech. Yet in the same address and during the follow up Q&A, he chose to identify a major difference between the United States and China in his remarks about the rights of the human person. In this regard his “fully understanding” and “not second guessing” China’s one child per family policy stands in conflict with the position he took and advanced on human rights.

In particular, there is a consensus in international human rights circles on the principle (but not on the means) which acknowledges that couples and individuals, not the state, must decide freely and responsibly the number and spacing of their children. China and other countries which have coercive measures that interfere with the rights of parents have been criticized for these measures by human rights advocates. It is a pity that the Vice President said what he did knowing that elsewhere in his address he made an important point about the rights of the human person.

 

RJA sj

Prof. Arkes responds to Prof. Baur

A few days ago, I linked to an essay by Prof. Michael Baur on natural law, positive law, and the role of judges. The essay was, among other things, a response to the recent work of Prof. Hadley Arkes, with whose work I'm sure MOJ readers are familiar.  Hadley sent to me the following, which I am happy to post (with his permission):  

          A friend alerted me that my name was taken in vain in a recent exchange in the Mirror of Justice:  My friend Rick Garnett had recommended a recent essay done by Michael Baur at Fordham in response to a lecture on natural law by another good friend, Judge Diarmuid O’Scannlain.  O’Scannlain made the curious move in that lecture of identifying me with what he called an “aggressive” style of natural law reasoning---curious because he had reviewed my book, Constitutional Illusions & Anchoring Truths:  The Touchstone of the Natural Law, and if nothing else in my writing could have diverted him from that characterization of my “work,” there should have been ample refutation of that characterization in the chapter titled “A Good  Word for the Legal Positivists.”

          It may come as a surprise to Professor Baur that the position he offers as a sensible middle way, drawing on Aquinas, is one I had long  encompassed in my own work—he might go back to my book The Philosopher in the City (Princeton, 1981), especially in the last two chapters, dealing with “Law,  Morals and the Regulation of Vice.”  But even if he had read only the most recent books, he would known that we were, as  a colleague of mine says, in “heated agreement” on the arguments he was making.  As  I’ve made the point in  the  most  recent and other books:

          --The natural law has long made a place for the necessity of the positive law.  We may understand a principle that bars us from driving at speeds that put life at hazard, but we need a regulation of the positive law to translate that principle into a measure that bears more precisely on the terrain and circumstances at hand (35 mph on a winding country road, 65 mph on the highway).

          --It  is a deep principle of the natural law that positive laws made in a lawful way should be obeyed, even when  they are bad laws—until those laws can be changed in a lawful way.   If there is something right in principle about government by consent, we  should be obliged to respect the laws enacted by the legislators authorized to act until they can  be changed through lawful means.

          --There must be room for statesmen to make accommodations with an evil for the sake of compressing that evil.  As Aquinas taught, we cannot obliterate all evil among human beings;  the best we can do is compress evils to certain tolerable limits.  Hence the accommodations with slavery made by the American Founders—accommodations, as Lincoln said, that were done with the hope of putting  slavery “in  the course of ultimate extinction.”

          Professor Baur, sensible as he is, sounds rather  like those intrepid explorers described by Chesterton:  After a while at sea, they spot land,  and discover that they’ve landed at … Brighton.    Professor Baur offers an inspired middle way only to discover that he has landed at the spot that I’ve occupied, marked off, explained for many years.

          It is curious also that Baur cites only one line of mine to illustrate what he calls that “aggressive” style of natural law: 

 [T]he task of judgment, in our constitutional law, persistently moves us away from the text, or from a gross description of the act [being judged], and it moves us to the commonsense understanding of the principles that guide these judgments: the principles that help us in making those distinctions between the things that are justified or unjustified. 

          The fire department blocks me from walking down the street to my apartment because it’s fighting a fire there.  My liberty has been impeded, but my rights have not been impaired or denied, for that liberty was restricted with evident “justification.”  The Constitution bars “unreasonable” searches and seizures.  At every turn we are faced with the question of whether the law is restricting our freedom,  taking our property or even our lives, with or without justification. Our judgments will turn on those principles we use to the measure the  presence of an adequate justification; principles that lie outside the text.  Surely it could not have passed Prof. Baur’s recognition that what he describes here as an “aggressive” use of natural law is indeed the work of the law, and moral judgment, every day,  not only by lawyers but by ordinary folk, not burdened with law degrees. 

          And yet, the heart of the argument with Judge O’Scannlain is not altered in  the least, but simply replicated by Prof. Baur.  For what is this sensible “third way” that Rick Garnett finds in Baur’s addition to O’Scannlain?  One way or another it involves an account of how judges  might be authorized to invoke understandings of the natural law, whether or not they are valid, because the natural law is given some grounding in the positive law, and the distinct circumstances, in the polity in which we are living.  Something of that kind?  The authorization involves the articulation of this understanding, formed into a kind of rule to explain why a judge may be justified in invoking notions of natural law.   Now, is it worth pointing out to Prof Baur that this construction he is offering is nowhere contained in the Constitution or the positive law?   And yet it would apparently regard it as an understanding sound enough to guide the judges and the rest of us.    I gather that he regards this understanding as something sensible in itself—as Alexander Hamilton would say,  an understanding “which, antecedent to all reflection or combination, commands the assent of the mind.”   Which is to say, it is one of the “first principles,” not at all dependent on the Constitution.  We are back with the  natural law, and the truth of the matter is that we never left it.  

          Reflective of this state of mind is this telling passage from Professor Baur as he tries to crystallize his argument:  

[I]t is never the case that the norms on the basis of which judges (or we) may legitimately evaluate existing positive laws, can be given apart from the actual and concrete practices, interactions,and patterns of behavior (in short, the positings) that inform us and make us the social, linguistic, concept-wielding, and hence rational beings that we are.

            Everything is subject to a context of “actual and concrete practices”—except this proposition itself. This understanding, so critical to Baur’s argument, is never itself subject to a context. Evidently it is to be taken as true under all conditions.  We are back again to first principles. 

            The question emerging from all of this then:  How often is it necessary to keep backing into self-refuting propositions, before that recognition finally dawns?    And as it dawns, commentators may recognize that, as they seek to resist the “laws of reason” that form the ground of natural law, they keep backing into those same laws as they try to fashion their own arguments.   They keep landing at Brighton. The surprise, yet to dawn for them, is that they have never left  the natural law. 

            The readers of the Mirror of Justice, instead of relying on other accounts, may be interested in seeing my own response to Judge O’Scannlain.  It will be part of the “Natural Law Manifesto,” a talk I gave in Washington on June 4th, as we inaugurated our new Center for Natural Law in Washington,  under the sponsorship of the Claremont Institute. The fuller text will appear in the Claremont Review, but it will be available also, with those footnotes we esteem and dread, in an upcoming issue of the Notre Dame Law [Review].

I'll invite Prof. Baur to respond in detail (or, perhaps, to Robby, to weigh in).

Epstein on Buffett . . . and the Pope

Prof. Richard Epstein writes, here, that Warren Buffett is like the Pope . . . in being misguided about morality and the market economy.  He writes: 

A successful and sustainable political order requires stable legal and economic policies that reward innovation, spur growth, and maximize the ability of rich and poor alike to enter into voluntary arrangements. Limited government, low rates of taxation, and strong property rights are the guiding principles.

Unfortunately, many spiritual and economic leaders are working overtime to push social policy in the exact opposite direction. At the top of the list are two prominent figures: Pope Benedict XVI and financier Warren Buffett. . . .