From our friend, John Inazu, announcing publication of the volume of Duke's Journal of Law & Contemporary Problems that he helmed (and to which I and Michael Moreland, among others, contributed):
Dear
Friends and Colleagues,
I am
pleased to announce the publication of a volume on Theological Argument in Law
just out in Duke's Journal of Law & Contemporary Problems. The volume
bridges connections between legal scholarship and the work of theologian
Stanley Hauerwas. Contributors include Bradley Wendel, Elizabeth
Schiltz, Michael Moreland, James Logan, David Skeel, Cathleen Kaveny,
Charlton Copeland, John Inazu, Stephen Carter, and Stephen Macedo. The
volume also includes a dialogue between H. Jefferson Powell and Stanley
Hauerwas, and a response to the articles from Hauerwas.
The
table of contents for the full volume is here (all articles are freely
downloadable as pdf files):
http://lcp.law.duke.edu/
For
those interested in a brief overview, here are are a few words from my
introduction to the volume:
Stanley
Hauerwas has emerged as one of the foremost scholars and public
intellectuals of the last four decades. He has written scores of
books and hundreds of articles, has been named 'America’s Best Theologian'
by Time magazine, and has delivered the prestigious Gifford
Lectures. He has arguably 'articulated the most coherent and influential
political theology in and for the North American context' and has been 'at
the forefront of major transformations in theology' including virtue
ethics, the role of narrative and community, and understandings
of medicine and illness. Hauerwas’s arguments have shaped
theological education and reached a broader public through books and
sermons—both his own and those of the pastors and educators whom he
has influenced. His views have been scrutinized by some of the
leading thinkers in religious studies, sociology, history, political
theory, moral philosophy, and literary theory. And they
have been largely ignored in legal scholarship.
The inattention to Hauerwas in legal scholarship is particularly odd given
that he has written for decades about issues central to the law: violence,
liberalism, bioethics, disability, interpretation, capital punishment,
just war theory, reconciliation, public reason, patriotism, euthanasia,
abortion, and religious freedom, to name only a few of the more obvious
connections. And the general lack of familiarity with Hauerwas by
legal scholars (even among many of those who write in the area of law and
religion) has contributed to a growing divide. As Jeffrey Stout has
observed, '[t]he more thoroughly Rawlsian our law schools and ethics
centers become, the more radically Hauerwasian the theological schools
become.' . . .
Some
of Hauerwas’s critics may be right to argue that he 'reacts against a type
of liberalism that exists mostly on the pages of books by Rawls, Rorty,
and their followers, and not in actual practice.' But that
description is least true of the academy. Much teaching and
scholarship relies upon unacknowledged constraints on argumentative
practices from professors who embrace the ideals of Rawlsian public
reason or, more strikingly, whose epistemic commitments welcome a
spectacular diversity of viewpoints and worldviews—except
for theological ones. As a result, a great deal of
scholarship ignores or too easily dismisses theological argument. . . .
Engagement
with theological argument is not easy—it requires patient reading and
thinking, particularly from those confronting unfamiliar discourses and
ideas. But the effort is both philosophically and vocationally
warranted. With respect to the former, an openness to the 'other' is a
core dimension of the poststructuralist thought embraced by many legal
scholars. With respect to the latter, the task of mediating
unfamiliar concepts and ideas is part of what lawyers do. Our
engagement with challenging ideas—including theological ones—helps us to
make 'connections to possible and plausible states of affairs' and to
'integrate not only the ‘is’ and the ‘ought,’ but the ‘is,’ the ‘ought,’
and the ‘what might be. . . ’
And
here are a few excerpts from Professor Hauerwas's response at the end of the
volume:
That
the law has always been important for me may seem odd. After all, I am
usually associated with those who began to emphasize the importance
of the virtues as an alternative to ethics, which is more determined by
analogy to the law. Of course I have never been happy with the
assumption that an ethic of the virtues is somehow antithetical to, or
exclusive of, law-like accounts of our moral lives. I have associated the
idea that you must choose among a deontological, teleological, or virtue
ethic with minds who think that typologies can be identified with
thinking. . .
There
is another reason the law has always fascinated me, which may surprise
some given my commitment to Christian nonviolence. The law is
so interesting because it is about power and manifests power. That
power may at times be violent, but power can also often be an alternative
to violence. These are not theoretical issues but everyday realities
entailed by the work of the law.
The
law is a morally rich tradition that offers a language otherwise
unavailable for the conflicts we need to have as a society. That is a
tradition in which I should like to count myself a participant.
I
hope that these and the rest of the contributions will be of interest to you.
I would welcome any feedback you have.
John
Inazu
Tuesday, November 20, 2012
Bruce Frohnen posted a thoughtful piece on the "Imaginative Conservative" blog (here), that responds to Robert George's November 16 post on the "First Things" blog, titled "No Mere Marriage of Convenience: The Unity of Economic and Social Conservatism"(here). This is an important discussion for conservative Catholics, and one that should be conducted in good faith and good will.
I have long been a student of John Paul II's thought. While he certainly did not endorse any particular conservative or liberal political agenda, I think there are some aspects of his thought that conservatives should bear in mind.
First, how we conceive of the person matters to political thought. John Paul II was famously critical of the Soviet and Fascist regrimes that he knew first hand in his youth for failing to have a capacious view of the person.
Second, Christians have typically understood the person to bear imagio dei. John Paul II understood this to mean at least this: that the person is a mystery, to others and to him and herself. This is an ontological state, not simply an epistemological one. That means that knowing more about persons does not dispell the mystery, but only deepens it. It was a modern project to reject this view of mystery.
The mystery of the divine exceeds conceptual and, John Paul II argued (as Karol Wojtyla), mental representation. The lived experience of the divine mystery exceeds thought and representation. It is apprehended as an ineffible, immediate, glorious, splendid "other" that is the source of all meaning.
In modern thought, however, mystery is excluded by presuming that meaning is exclusively found in concepts and mental representation. Kenneth Schmitz calls this the "secularizing of the interior." It denies the fragile grasp we have on understanding the divine good has been hard won lived experience, aggregated and nurtured by tradition, and passed on in various cultural forms and ritual.
Third, if the culture of life depends on the recognition of the mystery of the person, the imagio dei, as indication of the intrinsic worth of the person, then a cultural ethos that enshrines the material as ultimate will threaten human dignity. This is the danger that some see in economic conservative thought. The belief that economic efficieny and wealth production are the ultimate markers of the common good are threats to human dignity.
I think Frohnen and George agree on that much.

UPDATE: For more on the Breezy Point Madonna, see this NYT story. Note also that the image comes to us thanks to Mark Lennihan and Associated Press.