Saturday, April 20, 2013
"fascist, retrograde, and incapable of understanding diversity"
Friday, April 19, 2013
April 19 - We Will Never Forget
The Murrah Bombing occurred 18 years ago today. Maria Ruiz Scaperlanda reflects on that day at her blog, Day by Day.
John Connolly for Mayor of Boston
I would not normally post this sort of thing, but in light of the dreadful recent events in my dear hometown of Boston, as well as the special circumstances and merits of the case, I believe it to be worth an exception.
My close high school friend, John Connolly, is running for mayor of Boston. John is at present a Boston City Councilor and his political focus to date has been on public education. John's views have never been a spot-on match for mine: we were debating opponents all through school (law professor nerditude is inescapable) and I have many memories of strongly felt and argued disagreements which persist to this day. But--or, I should say, And--there is much that I admire deeply about John, as a politician and as a man. I am confident that he would be an excellent mayor for a city with rich traditions and tough, strong bones--that he has a powerful vision for its future and the character to lead it well.
For New York area residents, John is hosting an event on May 1 at Patrick Conway's Pub and Restaurant down in mid-town. Write to me off-line if you might be interested in attending.
Robert Edwards, "test tube baby" pioneer
I offer some thoughts in this morning's Wall Street Journal on the legacy of "test tube baby" pioneer Sir Robert Edwards, who died this week: http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424127887323309604578429083130451730.html
Thursday, April 18, 2013
We're shocked?
Honestly, is it so hard to understand Kermit Gosnell? If respectable and influential people---cultural and political leaders---spend decades trying to persuade the public that "it's not really a baby, it just looks like a baby," are we shocked -- shocked!!! -- that some people come to believe it, and act on that belief? Of course, even before the newly conceived human "looks like" a baby, it is a living member of the human species---a human being. It is our duty to respect and protect him or her (sex is determined from the beginning in the human) not because of how he or she looks, but because of what he or she is. Still, one might say that it is easier to understand how one could fail to see that abortion is the taking of human life when the human life in question is in the earliest stages of development, and doesn't yet "look like a baby." But because the unborn human begins to "look like a baby" fairly early on, the pro-choice movement worked hard to persuade people not to trust the evidence of their senses---to disregard the little arms and legs that were severed in the process of dismembering the "fetus" (a perfectly valid word---meaning "young one"---that became convenient to deploy as a way of suggesting that the unborn baby is "something different," not really a baby or a human being). "It's not a baby, it just looks like a baby." Tragically, Gosnell believed them. So did lots of other people. This is not the primary or most fundamental reason for my view that we who are pro-life should plead for mercy for Gosnell if he is convicted of capital murder, but it is a reason. If convicted, Gosnell should spend the rest of his life in prison, but we shouldn't pretend not to know how he could have performed the killings he performed. The structure of beliefs behind his actions is not one that is unique to him or even uncommon. On the contrary, it is all-too-common. And a lot of work went into making it common.
May Catholic Supporters of Marriage Equality Receive Communion?
That's the question University of St. Thomas law prof Chuck Reid addresses over at ReligiousLeftLaw. Comments on the post are welcome there.
Gay Marriage Around the World
[From the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life.]
Countries That Allow Gay Marriage
On April 17, the New Zealand Parliament gave final approval to a measure that legalizes same-sex marriage, making the Pacific island nation the 13th country in the world and the first in the Asia-Pacific region, to allow gays and lesbians to wed. The measure won approval by a 77-44 margin in the country’s unicameral legislature, including support from Prime Minister John Key. The bill still must be signed by the country’s governor-general (a process known as royal assent), but that step is considered a formality. The bill is expected to take effect in August 2013.
In 2005, New Zealand enacted legislation allowing same-sex couples to enter into civil unions. The 2013 measure not only legalizes same-sex marriage but also allows for gay and lesbian couples to adopt children.
Kabala, "Church-State Relations in the Early American Republic, 1787-1846"
I just read James S. Kabala's Church-State Relations in the Early American Republic, 1787-1846 (2013). I recommend it; it recounts lots of interesting details and debates which Kabala presents very effectively. The book's general theme is that the unsettled quality of the relationship between church and state in our own time is not new, but part of an ongoing unsettled history whose roots may be traced to the founding and which persisted thereafter.
Here's a bit from the introduction:
[P]resent-day believers that the United States was founded on Christian principles often claim the Founding Fathers for their cause, while advocates of church-state separation often presume that the issue was a settled matter after the ratification of the First Amendment in 1791. This book will complicate such assumptions by exploring sixty years of contentious debate in American civic culture over the proper role of religion in public life. Between the 1780s and the 1840s, clergymen, legislators, jurists, and pamphleteers argued over whether the government could fund Christian missionaries, whether the government should proclaim fast and Thanksgiving days, whether it was proper for Christians to pledge to vote only for Christian candidates, whether there should be religious restrictions on who could serve in public office or testify in court, whether blasphemy prosecutions were legitimate, whether public schools could offer a religious curriculum, whether state legislatures should open each day's session with prayer and many more such issues. Instances of the government's long-standing entanglement with religion, such as the funding of religiously affiliated schools among the Indian tribes, can seem startling today. In other areas, however, separation between religion and government was more strongly enforced than today. The mail was delivered on Sundays, and a nationwide petition campaign to end this practice caused a strong backlash. Several state legislatures, at least for a time, abolished the position of chaplain and the practice of opening each day's sessions with prayer. In short, debate over the proper relationship between religion and government was as divisive two hundred years ago as it is today and involved people from all denominations, parties and regions.
Kabala's focus is not on the First Amendment but on the more general issue of church state relations. Recognizing "the heavy entanglement of the federal government with religion in this period," he favors the federalism interpretation of well-known episodes such as Andrew Jackson's refusal to proclaim a day of fasting in 1832 and others.
An interesting later chapter entitled "The Limits of Consensus: The Unorthodox in the Court System," deals in part with the issue of whether Christianity was part of the common law (a view consistently denied by Jefferson). One of the final episodes that Kabala recounts involves a Supreme Court case, Vidal v. Girard's Executors (1844), which dealt with a rather eccentric French-born resident of Philadelphia who had become extremely wealthy. The man had been raised a Catholic and had made occasional contributions to Catholic institutions, but his own religious convictions were not clear (apparently, he was a shipping magnate who had given his ships somewhat suspicious names like "Voltaire" and "Rousseau"). He died in 1831 and his will established a school for orphans. But the will also provided that "no ecclesiastic, missionary, or minister, or any sect whatever" should ever set foot in the school because "as there is such a diversity of opinion amongst them, I desire to keep the tender minds of the orphans who are to derive advantage from this bequest free from the excitement which clashing doctrines and sectarian controversy are so apt to produce." Instead, the teachers at the orphanage were to "take pains to instill into the minds of the scholars the purest principles of morality," and these noble ambitions demanded the purging of religion. The will was contested by Girard's relatives (who were represented by Daniel Webster) and eventually the case made its way to the Court. Here is Kabala's description (p.149):
[I]n his oration before the court, [Webster] endorsed the idea that the only true charity was a Christian charity. According to Webster, Girard's school was a school of 'mere, sheer, low, ribald, vulgar deism and infidelity'....Webster cited both blasphemy cases and restrictions on oath-takers as evidence of his claims that Christianity was part of the common law and that the health of society depended upon religious faith. He did, however, take pains to assert that his was a non-sectarian Christianity, 'general, tolerant Christianity, Christianity independent of sects or parties, that Christianity to which the sword and the fagot are unknown.'
Many hailed Webster's oration before the court as a masterpiece....Joseph Story, by now the senior Associate Justice on the court, was less impressed with it. He wrote to his wife that he was
not a little amused with the manner in which...the language of the Scriptures, and the doctrines of Christianity, were brought in to point the argument; and to find the Court engaged in hearing homilies of faith, and expostulations of Christianity.
Story eventually wrote an unanimous opinion for the court upholding Girard's will as valid....He later wrote to James Kent, who despite his hostility toward blasphemers and atheists had written to Story supporting his decision, that Webster's speech had been a mere 'address to the prejudices of the clergy.'
However, Story's opinion, while it upheld Girard's will, was not a repudiation of the idea that Christianity was a part of the common law. Rather, Story explicitly endorsed the belief 'that the Christian religion is a part of the common law of Pennsylvania.' The rest of the decision attempted to enunciate the Protestant non-sectarian consensus as it had developed by 1844, guaranteeing the privileged position of Christianity while preserving the right of polite disagreement from it.
From my Facebook feed . . .
. . . a provocative and worth pondering snippet: "We awaken in others the same attitude of mind we hold towards them."
Wednesday, April 17, 2013
News, Truth, and the Common Good
Greg, Robby, and Rick, amongst others, have underscored in recent days the deficiencies in the reporting of momentous events which impact us on an individual and communal basis. The underlying theme of their postings has been the thunderous reticence of much of the media in reporting the trial of Dr. Kermit Gosnell and his intentional killing of new born babies who were targeted for termination by abortion. Is there not a duty on the media’s part to report truthfully the news that impacts the common good? Those of us who are lawyers are or should be familiar with the responsibility to be accurate and forthcoming in what we present. If we do not, there are distinct consequences. Business people must do the same, and so should the members of the other learned professions. Tradespeople have duties to disclose information about consumer products and services; the failure to do so will lead to their being held accountable. But why do many members of the media think that they are different? In reporting the events of the day, it is often said by them that there is a “right” for the public to know what government officials are up to; what ecclesiastical officers must disclose by way of protection of the vulnerable; and, what folks in business are purveying to a consuming public. In justifying what they do, the media often rely on the need of the public’s “right” to know, but it seems that if the media do not think there is a story to sell, the obligation to disclose does not exist; hence, there is no “right” to know that which does not need to be known if the media determine it so. Moreover, if the media’s editors believe that publication of an important story would not accord with their editorial policies dealing with neuralgic issues, e.g., abortion and other reproductive “rights,” then the story does not merit publication in whatever format the media organ uses.
But the media, like the learned professions and businesses, do serve to a major degree the common good, i.e., the simultaneous good of each and the good of all—for the two are inextricably connected. In short, do the media not have a recognized duty to publish the truth objectively, especially about major issues and events, rather than to make its own “truth” through silence or misrepresentation? This was a theme of Benedict XVI in his 2008 World Communications Day message when he said,
We must ask, therefore, whether it is wise to allow the instruments of social communication to be exploited for indiscriminate “self-promotion” or to end up in the hands of those who use them to manipulate consciences. Should it not be a priority to ensure that they remain at the service of the person and of the common good, and that they foster “man’s ethical formation … man’s inner growth”? Their extraordinary impact on the lives of individuals and on society is widely acknowledged, yet today it is necessary to stress the radical shift, one might even say the complete change of role, that they are currently undergoing. Today, communication seems increasingly to claim not simply to represent reality, but to determine it, owing to the power and the force of suggestion that it possesses. It is clear, for example, that in certain situations the media are used not for the proper purpose of disseminating information, but to “create” events. This dangerous change in function has been noted with concern by many Church leaders. Precisely because we are dealing with realities that have a profound effect on all those dimensions of human life (moral, intellectual, religious, relational, affective, cultural) in which the good of the person is at stake, we must stress that not everything that is technically possible is also ethically permissible.
Perhaps not reporting major issues is not always the same thing as “creating” events, but the failure to report accurately stories of the day having an impact on the common good is surely the kind of misrepresentation for which many others, including lawyers, can be sanctioned. Indisputably the failure to report the intentional killing of newborn children is of a major concern. I wonder if many in the media find this uninteresting and not worth reporting because they have accepted the deaths of over fifty million young Americans in the reproductive health clinics of the nation? If they have conditioned themselves into accepting this tragedy, what else may they find uninteresting and therefore not worth reporting?
RJA sj
