Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Tuesday, September 24, 2013

The Little Sisters of the Poor: Ordinarily in Their Homes for the Elderly Poor, but Today in Federal Court

Each Catholic religious order has its own special charism that can be seen in institutions founded by and run by members of the order. In and through their various institutions, I have personally experienced the distinctive charism of Dominican sistersSalesian priests, brothers, and sistersCapuchin Franciscan priestsHoly Cross priests and brothersJesuit seminarians and priests, and Augustinian priests and brothers, among others. It was not until earlier this year, however, that I encountered the distinctive charism of the Little Sisters of the Poor in their own distinctive institutions: homes for the elderly poor. The Little Sisters' charism is one of hospitality, in which the Sisters strive to "be little in order to be close to the most humble, and [to] be close to make them happy."

Like many Catholics, I was familiar with the Little Sisters from their trips to our parish to beg for funds for their ministry. I knew that they knew how to ask in a way that touched the hearts of the congregation. But it was not until I met some of the sisters at St. Joseph's Home in Richmond (including two Sisters from St. Martin's Home in Baltimore), and again at Jeanne Jugan Residence in Washington, D.C., that I understood on a deeper personal level the real difference that their presence makes in the lives of their homes' residents and in the life of the Church. It’s the difference that comes from knowing that one is loved and has dignity and will not die alone, and the difference that comes from vowed women religious spreading that love, cultivating that dignity, and accompanying the dying on their final journey.  

Unfortunately, however, the occasions for my visits to their homes were meetings to discuss legal matters. Like many religious organizations, the Little Sisters have needed to figure out how to deal with the federal government’s refusal to treat them as a religious employer exempt from the legal requirement to offer health benefit plans that violate their religious beliefs. The fruit of some of those earlier consultations was a set of comments in response to the federal government’s Notice of Proposed Rulemaking. In those comments, the Little Sisters respectfully requested the government “to reach a just resolution that respects the religious freedom and conscience rights of all.” And the comments expressed the hope “that it is unnecessary for us to join the scores of employers that have already resorted to the federal courts for protection.”

That hope has now met necessity, and the Sisters are now in federal court. Through two of their homes (in Denver and in Baltimore), the Little Sisters have filed a lawsuit, together with Christian Brothers Services and Christian Brothers Employee Benefits Trust (which cooperate with religious organizations in the provision of benefits). The lawsuit seeks relief from enforcement of the requirement to arrange their health benefit plans so that beneficiaries receive no-cost access to female sterilization and all FDA-approved contraceptive drugs and devices (including some with abortifacient properties).

Although aware of the Little Sisters’ religion-based objections to this requirement, the federal government has refused to treat the Little Sisters’ homes as “religious employers” that receive an exemption. Having witnessed the Sisters’ ministry in these homes and having worshipped with the Little Sisters in the St. Joseph's Home's chapel, this refusal boggles even the lawyerly part of my mind. These Little Sisters of the Poor homes are—in the words of Cardinal George—“icons of mercy where Christ is welcomed and served in the elderly poor with the utmost respect for their dignity.” In any ordinary time, these homes would easily be recognized as "religious employers." But perhaps this is no ordinary time. If the federal government continues to refuse to recognize these homes as “religious employers” under the federal contraceptives mandate, then words have lost their meaning for them.

The lead lawyers on the case are from the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty and Locke Lord LLP. I am continuing to assist the Little Sisters as part of their legal team and will therefore be more circumspect than I might otherwise be in discussing various aspects of the case. But the complaint speaks for itself. And the Becket Fund has created a case page with more background, including a press release and a web video, which I encourage all to check out.   

Gerson on the Pope

This is a very good column by Michael Gerson on the Pope's interview/statements.

"After" Religious Freedom?: On the Relationship Between the Academic Study of Religion and Law

I am greatly looking forward to participating in a conference next month called, "The Politics of Religious Freedom," and hosted by four scholars who have been at the forefront of drawing connections between the academic study of religion (or religious studies) and law--Peter Danchin, Elizabeth Shakman Hurd, Saba Mahmood, and Winnifred Fallers Sullivan.

The title of my panel is "Religion and Politics After Religious Freedom." With the organizers' permission, I am posting some comments that I wrote up in response to that subject. My sense is that while there may be some issues specific to the particular interdisciplinary relationship of law and the academic study of religion, at least some of the points I make may apply more broadly to the question of law's distinctiveness as both a practical and an academic discipline. I welcome your thoughts.

My work considers the religion clauses of the First Amendment to the United States Constitution and the body of federal and state laws protecting religious freedom in the United States. One theme in my work involves doubt about the law’s capacity to protect everything worth protecting about religion and religious practice. Here the law is limited and imperfect—both because of the limits of human reason and because of the inevitable conflicts of human interests and aspirations. The law’s limits come sharply into focus for what I have called “comic” theories of religious freedom—theories that reduce religious freedom under the Constitution to one or a small set of values (most commonly equality, neutrality, and the separation of church and state). None of these comic theories includes a sufficient accounting of the costs (including the costs to religious freedom) of such a reduction. These are some of the ideas explored in my book, The Tragedy of Religious Freedom.

The topic of our panel is “Religion and Politics after Religious Freedom,” and there are several ways in which my views are sympathetic, and might even converge, with the project of exploring what might come “after” certain conceptions of religious freedom. By reducing the reasons to protect religious freedom under the Constitution to single values such as equality or neutrality, some comic conceptions of it flatten legal disputes in ways that fundamentally misconstrue the true nature of the conflicts within them. Since what goes under the label of religion is culturally contingent, multifarious, and multifunctional—ideological, personal, political, institutional, communal, a phenomenon of cultural identity and at the same time a source of trans-temporal truth—one ought to expect the same variety, conflict, and incommensurability among and within the conceptions of religious liberty cherished by particular communities and enlisted to protect religion under the Constitution.

It may be that legal conceptions of religious liberty not only are insufficiently capacious to accommodate the welter of reasons to protect religious freedom (this would not be a failing unique to this area of law) but are also so grossly inadequate as to demand some radical alternative. We would, in that case, be well-advised to begin thinking about what should come “after” laws and theories that are irredeemably maladapted to the purpose. But before reaching this conclusion, we ought at least to move away from comic accounts of religious liberty and begin to hear the music of religious freedom in a more tragic key—in a way that embraces a plurality of values and that necessarily involves sacrificing ends about which we care deeply.

In other ways, however, my views are in at least some tension with the project’s ambitions to get past, or over, or somehow beyond religious freedom. I suspect that this skepticism about getting beyond religious freedom may relate to broader differences of interest, focus, and purpose between the disciplines of law and the academic study of religion (ASR).[1] To indulge in an overgeneralization (though one that, I hope, captures something true): ASR scholars are interested in dissolving religion; legal scholars are interested in managing it. There are several reasons that the pungent and interesting critique of religion and religious freedom that has developed in ASR scholarship has been relatively slow to affect law and legal scholarship.[2] 

Continue reading

The Way of St. James

I will fly to Paris this afternoon, and from there travel to St. Jean Pied de Port, where on Friday (feast day of one of my great heroes, St. Vincent de Paul) I will begin walking the Camino Francais.  It is my hope to arrive in Santiago de Compostela on All Saints Day.

As Michael Scaperlanda did when he walked this same route four years ago, I will try to share something of my experience from time to time as I walk.

I ask for your prayers that I be open to whatever it is God wishes to share with me during this pilgrimage. Be assured of my prayers as well for the contributors and readers of Mirror of Justice.

Ultreya!

Monday, September 23, 2013

On Universals and Particulars

 

First of all, I should like to thank Lisa for her kind, generous words in her recent posting “International Perspectives on Family” regarding last week’s conference in Rome that celebrated the 30th anniversary of the Charter of the Rights of the Family (the Charter).

As one of the key presenters of a formal paper (yes, Lisa, I think they will be published—but anyone wishing to see my final draft can request a PDF copy from me), I had to think long and hard about how a major document of the Church intersects not only domestic law principles but international law principles as well.

In doing so I reached a conclusion that I have arrived at probably thousands of times before that there is a connection between human law made by states and natural law reasoning. This became evident once again when I saw parallels between the laws of many national legal systems, several international texts, and the Charter.

The essence of the parallels is how human intelligence that thinks objectively (beyond its comfort zone, if you will) in comprehending the intelligible reality of specific matters can develop normative principles (laws) that are fitting and just not only for a particular place but for all places and all peoples. This claim reveals the truth about the basic structure and substantive content of the Charter.

I think this realization also reflects a further truth about law in general. While different legal cultures need to respond to the issues that are pressing upon that culture, there are, nonetheless matters which are of concern for all people and that necessitate universal norms. The Charter and its substantive content demonstrate this, as do the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and several important international human rights instruments of the latter half of the 20th century. All of these texts rely to a large extent upon the objectivity of natural law reasoning.

Here is where an important element needs to be introduced about the Catholic take on law. Like Lisa, I saw at this conference members of the faithful from virtually every continent who, in spite of their particular concerns back home, largely agree on the need for universal principles designed to promote and protect the fundamental unit of society—the natural family. In this context I reflected on how often I have heard some American Catholics who are, when all is said, very kind and decent people, nonetheless claim that the American (i.e., USA) church is very different from all others because of the uniqueness of the polity in which we live. Well, in some ways, this can be said of all the local churches around the world including those of the several hundred dioceses of the United States. But still, in spite of these differences, there is a need to acknowledge through the application of objective reason that these local and particular differences cannot and must not interfere with the universality of fundamental Church teachings which are of significance to all persons regardless of where they are in the world. The truth of this claim became all the more clear as the conference of which Lisa and I were a part reached its conclusion on midday Saturday.

Again, I extend to Lisa my profound gratitude for her thoughtful words, and I look forward to the publication of the several formal papers delivered at this conference.

On a seemingly different but not unrelated matter, I hope to offer my reflections on Pope Francis’s interview of last week. It was interesting for me, at last week’s conference, to see how others around the world comprehend the pope’s lengthy interview, and how it has been perceived by influential members of our American culture. Again, I hope to tackle this chore soon and to contribute to the thread begun by Rick, given our dedicated purpose of developing Catholic legal theory.

 

RJA sj

The Pope Francis interview, integration, and the lawyer's vocation

Count me among those who is disappointed by the cherry-picking, political spinning, and unattractive revelling in "the other side's" presumed discomfort that has characterized much of the coverage and commentary regarding Pope Francis's recent interview.  My understanding is that I am regarded as a "conservative" and so I gather I'm supposed to be mad -- even on the edge of schism! -- about the interview and just about everything else about Francis but -- go figure!-- I am not.  (If I thought he thinks or had said that, say, efforts to protect educational and religious freedom or increase respect for the dignity of all human life aren't that important after all, I would be disappointed, and think him naive.  But, I don't think he does or did.  I imagine we'd disagree, over Malbec, about some points of policy, but that's been true of every Pope in my lifetime.)  If his style and substance -- if the very appealing humility and care that really come through in the interview -- result in people of good will in less-faith-friendly regions of the interwebs asking themselves, "hmmm, this guy seems great . . . and he is a Catholic . . . and he was elected by a bunch of old guys who I thought were just obsessed-with-'no' reactionaries . . . maybe I should take a look, and re-visit some of the impressions I've formed -- maybe because of hostile and ignorant news coverage, maybe because of encounters with uncharitable and unjoyful Christians -- about the Church, and about the faith", then . . . good! 

Obviously, the Pope is saying things that are challenging for those of us who believe that the "conservative" side of American politics is, all things considered, the better vehicle for achieving better policies, but my view is that there's nothing wrong with that.  I hope I respond to this challenge with the humility and open-mindedness that I expect of those on the "other" side.  I don't think the Pope's admonitions and exhortations and challenges are supposed to make those on the political left of American politics feel good about themselves or abandon critical thinking about their preferred policies, either.  And, who -- left or right -- can doubt the urgency of Pope Francis's challenge that Christians do some soul-searching about the dangers of presenting to the world a Christianity that is merely a set of rules, or a social ethic, or a litany of warnings, rather than one that has at its heart the Eucharist and the person and love of Jesus.  And who -- left or right -- can think that the reaction Pope Francis is hoping to inspire is either a "thank you" from NARAL or gleeful cackling at the presumed unhappiness of Bishop Whomever?

Anyway . . . this blog is not supposed to be about "Catholic stuff generally" but about law, so . . . Two of the themes I've been hearing in the Pope's many interventions is an emphasis on the whole person (very Jesuit!  and, very John Paul II!) and also on unity, wholeness, and integration rather than partition, selectivity, dis-integration, etc., when it comes to hearing, understanding, and living out the Gospel.  As we've often discussed here at MOJ, these are themes that should also loom large in our conversations about legal education and formation, and about the practice and vocation of law.  What, I wonder, would an open-minded and open-hearted effort to really hear what Pope Francis is saying, on a variety of topics, and "put it to work" in how we teach and talk to law students about what they are doing and preparing for look like?

Liberty Fund Podcast on The Tragedy of Religious Freedom [UPDATED]

I'm grateful to Richard Reinsch of the excellent Law and Liberty blog (a project of The Liberty Fund) for discussing The Tragedy of Religious Freedom with me. If you are not familiar with the resources available at the Liberty Fund, you should check them out. I use their extensive on-line library all the time and they have many interesting essays, book reviews, and posts. 

UPDATE: And here's a review in the Law and Politics Book Review by political scientist Jesse Merriam. Here's the conclusion, which both gives a sense of Professor Merriam's (important) criticisms of the book and contains a little nice stuff too:

If DeGirolami truly is going to provide a middle-ground theory, one in which both theory and conflict can co-exist, we need to know more precisely how history and precedent can guide us. The reader will likely find that DeGirolami does not satisfy this standard. Nevertheless, DeGirolami does provide an important service in probing and pushing us closer to this understanding. And something that must be emphasized here is that he performs this service with a clarity, elegance, and intellectual depth surpassing almost every work in this field. TRAGEDY OF RELIGIOUS FREEDOM is an excellent starting point for a discussion of how to arbitrate the principled conflict underlying church-state adjudication, and in starting this discussion DeGirolami does an exquisite job of defending his approach. For these reasons, it is not only an important but also an immensely enjoyable book to read.

Sunday, September 22, 2013

"The First Amendment and its Global Implications" at Butler

I'll be participating in a panel discussion at Butler University's Center for Faith and Vocation -- I'm trying to resist the temptation to wear a "Duke Blue Devils National Champs" shirt -- on Tuesday.  More information is available here.  Stop by, fellow Hoosiers, and say "hello"!

An(other) brutal attack on Christians abroad

Dozens of people were killed in an attack on a Christian church in Peshawar, Pakistan.  This piece (by John O'Sullivan, the godfather of Candida Moss, the author of "The Myth of Christian Persecution") urges Western governments (and citizens in Western countries) to respond (as has, of course, our own Robby George).  O'Sullivan writes that "one of the main reasons for this spread of persecution is that Western governments have signaled by their inaction that they are not prepared to make a
fuss about it with governments in Arab and Muslim countries."

Sectarian blasphemy laws and violent attacks on Christians and members of other minority religions in Muslim countries continue unabated either because Muslim governments sympathize with them (arguably the Egyptian case) or because they are reluctant to spend political capital on fighting Islamist zealots and their parties (arguably the case of Pakistan).

Outside pressure seems an obvious solution. Yet Western governments resist
intervening in behalf of embattled Christians lest that mark them as sectarian
“Christian powers” or cast doubt on their status as purveyors of universal
values and human rights. There is no such reluctance on the other side. . . .

UPDATE:  A reader (burdened with what strikes me as a hair-trigger hermeneutic of suspicion) wrote to suggest that my mention of the O'Sullivan-Moss relationship might have been deviously intended to cast doubt on whether Prof. Moss would deplore such an attack.  The suggestion is ludicrous.  Of course she would (and has, as in this piece) deplore such violence.  Although I believe (based on reviews of the book and some of her popular writing) she is too quick to criticize some of the efforts of those who are defending religious liberty in our current context, my understanding (again, I have only read a part of her book) is that part of her argument is that what she regards as the misuse of the term "persecution" in the context of North American politics can have as one of its bad effects the distraction of attention from the very real suffering that many Christians are enduring abroad.  I mentioned the relationship because the piece to which I linked mentioned it, and I imagine that piece mentioned it because the piece itself talks about Prof. Moss's book, and about the interesting, and troubling, possibility that, in fact, more Christians are being killed for being Christian today that was the case during much of the Church's early history.

Vocation as a verb

At Notre Dame Law School -- and, I think, at several other Catholic law schools -- we encourage our students to see, to prepare for, and to live, their lives in the law as a "vocation."  I'd encourage all MOJ readers to read, and to share with friends -- lawyers and non-lawyers alike -- this post, "Vocation as a verb, Rather than noun," by our own Susan Stabile (from her other blog, Creo en Dios!).