A bracing challenge -- very much in keeping with Pope Francis's ministry so far, I think -- from Matthew Warner. I have an uneasy sense that a similar challenge could be issued to "Catholic legal theory" . . .
Monday, December 2, 2013
"Why the World Doesn't Take Catholicism Seriously"
Cloutier on Douthat, Francis, "conservatives" . . . and the rule of law
A good read, at Catholic Moral Theology, from David Cloutier. I would quibble with the invocation and ritual-denunciation of supposedly "Randian" talk and thinking among "conservative" Catholics (because I do not believe that, really, any meaningfully Catholic "conservatives" embrace anything like Ayn Rand's objectivism and do believe that we should avoid taking down straw-men).
Anyway, one of the things I liked about Cloutier's piece is his reminder that "secure property rights" -- and, I would extend this to "the rule of law" more generally -- have to be seen as essential aspects of any market-system that has any hope of contributing to authentic human development. It's not so much that "capitalism" in the abstract helps to lift people and societies out of poverty -- it is that a (reasonably regulated and relatively easily navigable and fairly transparent) market economy that rests on a foundation of rule-of-law commitments, well-designed social-welfare programs, and functioning legal mechanisms does so.
More on "re-enchantment"
A reader sent in the following, which might be of interest:
Regarding Mr. Bottum's recent posts, you may have already read Tel Aviv University Professor Yishai Blank's article - The Re-enchantment of Law, 96 Cornell Law Review 633 (2011), (available at http://cornell.lawreviewnetwork.com/files/2013/02/Blank-final-essay.pdf ). The abstract:
Ten Thoughts on the Garnett-Bottum Exchange
Here are ten thoughts on the exchange between Rick and Jody Bottum. Thanks to both men for provoking them.
- Mr. Bottum is on to something important on the issue of cultural change. Cultural change often is not driven by law or by legal argument, but the other way round. And it also seems to me that this is a desirable state of affairs. We should not want law to be the primary driving force of cultural change, and it would be regrettable, if not dangerous, to live in a society in which law arrogated to itself this function.
- To that extent, Mr. Bottum is right. If one wishes to change the culture, law is not and should not be the exclusive, or even the primary, medium through which one works. He is also right that poetry and storytelling and literature and art, etc., are promising methods, as they have always been.
- Still, law has its role to play. Lon Fuller once observed in response to the challenge of legal realism that there is mutual action and reaction between law and culture. Even if law is not and should not be a primary cultural determinant, it is certainly one such determinant. Law's effect on culture is not the less important for being secondary and (generally speaking) reactive. I am thus unsure what Mr. Bottum means when he writes that "you law professors have had the public intellectual part in your hands for forty years." We have had the part that relates to law, and we have taken up that part by our best lights--sometimes well, sometimes poorly. Others have played other parts, also to greater or lesser effect. Mr. Bottum himself has played his own role. There seems to be no shortage of available work, so we needn't niggle over whose turn it is at the bullhorn.
- But perhaps this does not do justice to the sense in which Mr. Bottum may believe that law is actually a problem or an impediment to various larger aims. In fact, it's much worse than he thinks. I fear he may underestimate just how important law has become in our society as a source of value, beauty, and shared meaning. To take one provincial example (what do you expect from a law professor?) this is the reason that Legal Ethics is so hard to teach. People think of it and teach it as a course about rules, but actually, it ought to be taught as a course about law's powerful, usually subterranean cultural and ethical impact. Bar associations and legal education reformers like very much to talk about the importance of ethics and imparting "professional values" to new lawyers, but in fact they usually have very little clear idea what that means. Worse still, it seems vitally important that these ideas remain perpetually vague. To infuse them with content might well disturb what Roger Cramton once described as the ordinary religion of the law school classroom, which is not too far distant from the ordinary religion of the legal profession and the legal culture, which is to say, the culture.
- It will be a daunting task indeed to "re-enchant" the culture, if that is what Mr. Bottum has in mind, in part because it will require disenchanting it from law. The terms in which we think about culture are all too often legal terms. That's more or less what remains as a common discursive currency, cheapened by inflation and otherwise devalued as it may be. Another local example: though he did not say so, Mr. Bottum may see the project in which we are engaged at MOJ as problematic inasmuch as it works within a legal framework or world view. The fact that the project has definite limits makes it appealing to me, but those with larger ambitions will want more.
- I also sympathize in some ways with the weariness Mr. Bottum has expressed in other contexts and which makes a background appearance here. I am coming to tire more and more of the screeching, scratching, gnawing, biting scuffles about law and religion that one is forced into. But it would be wrong to believe that these fights are increasingly tedious because they don't sufficiently engage cultural issues. In fact, they are tiresome because there is so little law in them. If anything has been true for forty years (at least), it is that law and culture have been too often fused into a kind of cheap alloy, to the detriment and diminution of both, particularly law.
- There is an assumption, one that one hears with some frequency these days, in some of the talk about focusing elsewhere than law, that if we do so the state and those many that stand opposite will be appeased. They will leave us alone. We will be able to go on defending positions we find important, living the way that we think best, and the state will take its ball and go home. I think that assumption is false. First, I had thought the whole point was to stop discussing law and politics and start talking about something else. And second, skepticism about this assumption is one reason that I admire the difficult work of Rick, Tom Berg, Douglas Laycock, and others. But it is also the reason that I am uncomfortable with the strategy of sympathetic reciprocity that I sometimes see in Tom's always deeply thoughtful commentary. Perhaps mine is an overly pessimistic disposition--and I've now been dutifully admonished about the shortcomings of "sourpusses." But the case here is simpler: if Mr. Bottum really believes that singing in the trees and rivers will make abortions less common, I'm afraid I see things differently. The state and those on the other side of the issue will see to that. They will be the only game in town.
- Speaking of "hymns to God that are sung in trees and rivers," what is all of this pantheistic, Whitmanesque nonsense? Having read Rick's Notre Dame essay to which Mr. Bottum approvingly linked, I must differ with both of them about Whitman and Whimanesquery respectively. I find Walt Whitman pretty hard to take and think he and Emerson are not the best writers America has produced. As Mark Lilla once put it, in the study of American literature, "just steer clear of anything polluted by Emerson." That goes double for Whitman.
- Unfortunately, the last point isn't really about Whitman. Suppose we accept Mr. Bottum's advice and pivot to cultural or metaphysical matters and away from law. We should fully expect to rekindle some of the same sorts of culture war conflagrations that we were so intent on snuffing out. We will fight about whether the cultural turn should in fact be a "song of myself" or a song about someone or something else. I wonder whether many Catholics inclined to the cultural turn will agree with one another about what is enchanting, what is re-enchanting, and what is altogether disenchanting. Some things are worse that Weber's Iron Cage. I suspect there will be considerable disagreement, and that the fire will rage on.
- Last, and least. The idea that making the cultural turn will mean "pulling back on politics" (in Patheos's locution) is mistaken. The argument seems to be that if we stick to our tree-chanting, we will have effectively lopped off political and ethical matters. One sees this sort of "non-political" point often, but I confess I am mystified by it (maybe "politics" is being used in a way I don't understand). As I have observed before, all Popes are political (just like the rest of us), and it is intended (and I hope is taken) as a token of respect, not disparagement, to call Pope Francis's recent Exhortation an openly and patently political, social, and ethical document (not only that, of course, but plainly that). To take the cultural turn and to devote one's waking hours to matters other than law and politics will not usher in a new era of abstention from legal, political, and ethical questions. Taking positions on such questions is inevitable, though there are more and less effective ways of doing so. It might be better to be candid about that. Then we could talk substance, rather than form or process, as Mr. Bottum rightly urges.
Sunday, December 1, 2013
What is Marriage? A reply to Charles Reid
A little while back, Michael called attention to Charles Reid's Huffington Post essay criticizing the argument Sherif Girgis, Ryan Anderson, and I present in What is Marriage? Man and Woman: A Defense. I promised that Sherif, Ryan and I would soon reply. We do that today at Pubic Discourse:
http://www.thepublicdiscourse.com/2013/12/11634/
Friday, November 29, 2013
The Social Kingship of Christ: A Question for Patrick
On the Feast of Christ the King, Patrick quoted Fr. Aidan Nichols, OP: "[P]ublicly recognising divine revelation is an entailment of the Kingship of Christ on which, despite its difficulties in a post-Enlightenment society, we must not renege." Patrick continues: "I agree with Fr. Nichols's judgment, of course, but I have to wonder whether any other contributor to this blog also agrees. Enthusiasts of the First Amendment's agnosticism will have a hard time on this one."
Right after the above quote, Fr. Aidan says:
Where the ethos of society is such that an elected legislature may be trusted to regard the Judaeo-Christian tradition as normative, the Church should be accorded her rightful place as “mother and mistress”. (The Edwardian priest-novelist Robert Hugh Benson’s The Dawn of All will give you the idea.) Where that is not possible there should at least be, in the former Christendom, a recognition of the historic role of the faith in forming the human patrimony.
Patrick, you have given this much more thought than I have, but it seems to me that these are the money lines for our situation. I assume you agree with me that the ethos of our society is not such that the elected legislature can be trusted to regard the Judaeo-Christian tradition as normative. If so, then we can and should fight for a) our religious freedom along with the religious freedom of others (the agnostic position) and b) a recognition that Christendom played an historic role in forming the human patrimony. The EU's refusal to give recognition to this patrimony in its proposed Constitution gave rise to Joseph Weiler coining the phrase Christophobia.
By my reading, in the American context this would not be considered First Amendment agnosticism but would be considered First Amendment realism. Do you agree Patrick? Or, what am I missing?
The Culture Wars and Beyond: A response to Jody and Rick
In responding to our current cultural situation, two questions are paramount: 1) How am I called to respond? and 2) What is my judgment of the current situation? These questions underlie the argument between Jody Bottum (here) and Rick Garnett (here).
In a recent Patheos essay, Jody writes: Forget the culture-wars crap. It was a fight worth having, back in the day when there was enough Christendom left to be worth defending. ... Start, instead, with re-enchnatment." I don't understand how we benefit from a house divided. Why can't God be calling Jody to get out of the culture wars and focus on re-enchantment of the world through literary means while simultaneously calling Rick to fight for the legal rights for the unborn and religious freedom for all? I don't see it as an either/or but a both/and according to our unique call.
What we hear and how we answer will be influenced, I suspect, by our assessment of the current state of our culture. The Christian who believes that we live in a truly post-Christian culture where Christian understandings of the human person, of reason, of truth, of goodness, and of beauty fail to get any traction might conclude that his or her time is better spent re-enchanting the world with beauty to provide an opening to the human heart that - when expanded - will be more open to the Good News and all that the Gospel entails. On the other hand, the Christian who believes that arguments on behalf of the unborn (or the poor, or the immigrant) and arguments for religious freedom can still gain traction in our culture, will, if called to do so, continue to make those arguments vigorously in the public square, our courthouses, and legislative assemblies.
It seems to me that there is room for both/and!
A reader's response to Bottum's response to Garnett
A MOJ reader send in these comments:
In Mr. Bottum’s last response, I think he misses the mark on a couple of points, particularly here:
"The first is thinking that advances in law and policy have any permanence: The pendulum swings, political gains are reversed, the House changes hands, and then what do we do? As for the second mistake, we wander into magical thinking when we suppose that law and policy can drive culture more than a little, when the culture is resistant."
I don't know anyone of serious intellectual heft--particularly not you, Professor Garnett--who thinks that advances in law and policy have any permanence, and certainly not in the arena of the culture war. But advances they are, and advances they will remain so long as they are vigorously defended.
Second, I don't agree that it is "magical thinking" to suppose that law and policy can drive culture "more than a little" where it is resistant. Historical examples abound in our country or elsewhere of a change in law driving a shift in culture. Depart from the culture wars for a minute, and look to two recent examples: seat belts and recycling. I'm too young to remember the seat belt push (a telling admission of my youth, since states only began enacting them in the 80s and 90s), but reading about it and discussing it with a college professor who used it as an example in teaching the Nichomachean Ethics leaves me with the impression that our attitude towards seat belt use today is directly a product of that legal campaign, and not an inherent widespread cultural desire to change.
The same point applies to recycling: we feel a discomfort if forced to discard glass and plastic in the regular trash. Why? There has been a cultural push, but I'd argue that it's equally the response to laws incentivizing recycling. People become attuned to the goal of the law and become uncomfortable when unable to comply--not because of a fear of punishment, but because the law creates the impression that a thing is good and desirable.
Even if one disagrees with my examples, the idea that the law has a strong role in shaping personal character and perceptions of morality is not a new invention. The idea has appeared in Western philosophical thought for millennia, starting at a minimum from Aristotle and renewed in turn by the Romans, St. Thomas, and some of America's own founders. I don't wish to make this a pure argument from authority, but I also don't believe they were engaging in magical thinking.
As to the rest of Mr. Bottum's argument, I don't find anything serious to disagree with, though I'm not entirely certain what his point is by the end. With regard to the serious pro-life intellectuals engaged in the legal battles of the culture war, I've never met one who seemed prone to believing that the process was the point. Perhaps Jody's experience is different. But at least among those who approach these issues with intellectual seriousness, I have seen legitimate outrage, not ginned-up outrage. It may be fatigue-inducing to write philosophical responses to the Women's Studies faculty again and again, seemingly falling on deaf ears except among an already-willing audience, but it remains important.
Not least, it remains important because it shows--so long as such arguments are advanced charitably and in good faith--that there is an intellectual seriousness and philosophical depth to the Faith and its Teachings that allows it to stand its ground against all the errors of modernism. The early Apostles stood on both sides of this argument, illuminating Christ's love for the world through martyrdom and engaging the Jews and Romans as serious intellectuals. I don't think it's about preaching social ethics rather than living the love of Christ. Each is necessary to the existence of the other.
"And he entered the synagogue and for three months spoke boldly, arguing and pleading about the kingdom of God; but when some were stubborn and disbelieved, speaking evil of the Way before the congregation, he withdrew from them, taking the disciples with him, and argued daily in the hall of Tyran′nus."
Thursday, November 28, 2013
President Adams's Proclamation for a Day to Fulfill "The Duties of Humiliation and Prayer"
Here is President John Adams’s 1798 Proclamation For a National Fast, which he issued on March 23 of that year and prescribed for the month of May. Two things are striking to me about the proclamation, though of course they are not unique to this particular proclamation.
First, days of public prayer are closely associated in the mind of Adams (and likely in the minds of his audience) with “humiliation”–that is, with the recognition of the limits of human power, with humility, and with the need and desire for guidance beyond oneself to set to the affairs of governance wisely. It has longed seemed to me that this was the principal function of legislative and other public prayer. Is is an irony of history that these kinds of prayers have now come to signify, in the minds of many of their opponents, something like the opposite of “humiliation.”
Second, note the emphasis on fasting. The idea behind such days was not to gorge on as much food as one could hold down, or to acknowledge one’s own comfortably sated life, or to revel in the capacity to spend lots of money on entirely useless nonsense on “Black Friday.” It was to thank God for one’s gifts by abstaining from consumption.
Now, if you will all excuse me, I’m off to stuff the turkey and, then (Grace having been said) myself. A very happy Thanksgiving to all of our writers and readers.
As the safety and prosperity of nations ultimately and essentially depend on the protection and blessing of Almighty God; and the national acknowledgment of this truth is not only an indispensable duty, which the people owe to him, but a duty whose natural influence is favorable to the promotion of that morality and piety, without which social happiness cannot exist, nor the blessings of a free government be enjoyed; and as this duty, at all times incumbent, is so especially in seasons of difficulty and of danger, when existing or threatening calamities, the just judgments of God against prevalent iniquity, are a loud call to repentance and reformation; and as the United States of America are at present placed in a hazardous and afflictive situation, by the unfriendly disposition, conduct, and demands of a foreign power, evinced by repeated refusals to receive our messengers of reconciliation and peace, by depredations on our commerce, and the infliction of injuries on very many of our fellow-citizens, while engaged in their lawful business on the seas;—under these considerations, it has appeared to me that the duty of imploring the mercy and benediction of Heaven on our country, demands at this time a special attention from its inhabitants.
I have therefore thought fit to recommend, and I do hereby recommend, that Wednesday, the 9th day of May next, be observed throughout the United States, as a day of solemn humiliation, fasting and prayer; that the citizens of these States, abstaining on that day from their customary worldly occupations, offer their devout addresses to the Father of mercies, agreeably to those forms or methods which they have severally adopted as the most suitable and becoming; that all religious congregations do, with the deepest humility, acknowledge before God the manifold sins and transgressions with which we are justly chargeable as individuals and as a nation; beseeching him at the same time, of his infinite grace, through the Redeemer of the world, freely to remit all our offences, and to incline us, by his Holy Spirit, to that sincere repentance and reformation which may afford us reason to hope for his inestimable favor and heavenly benediction; that it be made the subject of particular and earnest supplication, that our country may be protected from all the dangers which threaten it, that our civil and religious privileges may be preserved inviolate, and perpetuated to the latest generations, that our public councils and magistrates may be especially enlightened and directed at this critical period, that the American people may be united in those bonds of amity and mutual confidence, and inspired with that vigor and fortitude by which they have in times past been so highly distinguished, and by which they have obtained such invaluable advantages, that the health of the inhabitants of our land may be preserved, and their agriculture, commerce, fisheries, arts, and manufactures, be blessed and prospered, that the principles of genuine piety and sound morality may influence the minds and govern the lives of every description of our citizens, and that the blessings of peace, freedom, and pure religion, may be speedily extended to all the nations of the earth.
And finally I recommend, that on the said day, the duties of humiliation and prayer be accompanied by fervent thanksgiving to the bestower of every good gift, not only for having hitherto protected and preserved the people of these United States in the independent enjoyment of their religious and civil freedom, but also for having prospered them in a wonderful progress of population, and for conferring on them many and great favors conducive to the happiness and prosperity of a nation.
Tuesday, November 26, 2013
Bottum responds to Garnett on enchantment and engagement
I am very glad to report that Jody Bottum wrote up a response to my post from the either day, about the importance of staying engaged in the perhaps-tiring, in-the-trenches efforts to secure better legal protections for vulnerable people. Here is the response, in full: