Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Monday, May 10, 2004

"The Empire of Personal Desire" and the Catholic Charities Case

If you have not already, download and read Vince's paper, "The Empire of Personal Desire" (click on Vince's name, on the right). As Vince explores in that paper, and observes below, "the Catholic notion of a communally situated individual has ramifications for how we understand ourselves as members of couples, families, and communities; how we understand our roles as parents, children, and spouses; and how we understand our obligations to those around us."

This "Catholic notion" -- and Vince's study of forced-heirship in Louisiana -- also has important ramifications, I think, for our understanding of the Catholic Charities case. The law at issue in that case -- and the extremely narrow scope of the law's exemption for "religious employers" -- proceeds from highly individualistic premises about what religion is, and what religion is for.

If one understands "religion" as being about "personal spirituality", comfort, therapy, and an individual's discrete "personal relationship" with the Divine, then a law requiring entities with health-care plans to include contraceptive coverage in those plans would seem to impose little, if any, significant burdens on the freedom of "religion," so understood. After all, California is not requiring individuals to believe anything in particular, it is not requiring individuals to act in any particular way, and it is not even (directly) requiring individuals to fund conduct that those individuals might, for "personal" religious reasons, find offensive.

Nonetheless, premises grounded in a better, richer understanding of religious freedom push us toward the conclusion that the scope of California's "religious employer" exemption is deeply injurious to the Church's evangelizing and social-justice missions. The exemption decrees to be "secular" activities engaged in by the Church, and by Christians acting together, that represent the Church's efforts to be true to the Great Commission.

Rick

Friday, May 7, 2004

Meilaender on Stout's "Democracy and Tradition"

In the April issue of First Things, Gilbert Meilaender has a typically thoughtful (and beautifully written) review essay of Jeffrey Stout's recent book, "Talking Democracy." Stout's project, as Mailaender describes it, is to "steer . . . a middle way between Rawlsian social contract liberalism . . . and a 'new traditionalism', often religious in character and influenced by the work of Alasdair MacIntyre and Stanley Hauerwas." (Note: Meilaender concludes that Stout does not get MacIntyre or Hauerwas quite right). Hauerwas and the "new traditionalists", Stout argues, go too far in rejecting the Rawlsian "public reason" game, and are insufficiently appreciative of the possibility and importance of "democratic discussion."

There's a lot more, obviously, to Stout's book and to Meilaender's review. Both are recommended. The concluding paragraphs of the essay are, I think, particularly provocative:

"We might wonder whether the guiding image of this book—conversation—is not better suited as a characterization of academic than political life. Stout has drawn the image of conversation from Rorty, but its deeper source can be found in Michael Oakeshott’s discussion of the several voices in “the conversation of mankind” (though Rorty and Stout both eschew Oakeshott’s sense that philosophy is the search for what, as whole and complete, goes beyond any single voice in this conversation and seeks the coherence—at least in thought—of the whole). For Oakeshott, however, conversation characterizes not politics but the academy. Far from being a moral and spiritual association, politics is a realm of practice that concerns itself with the general arrangements necessary for a cooperative life among a group of people whom chance or choice have brought together.

Unlike politics—where decisions must be reached and goals pursued, where results count for a great deal—a university education provides the true image of an endless conversation. Such a conversation, Oakeshott writes, “does not need a chairman, it has no predetermined course, we do not ask what it is ‘for,’ and we do not judge its excellence by its conclusion; it has no conclusion, but is always put by for another day.” Captivating as this image is, much as we might wish it really characterized our own colleges and universities today, it cannot, of course, be adequate as a depiction of the rest of life—in which children must be raised, enemies confronted, goals pursued, and the Eternal (with whom one does not simply converse) confronted. Hence, writes Oakeshott, “the characteristic gift of a university is the gift of an interval.” It is not the whole of life, but a moment in life—and it is perhaps the characteristic vice of the academician (even if understandable for one whose life is spent fostering such an interval of conversation in the lives of his students) to try to extend it beyond its proper reach. Recognizing the lure of that, Oakeshott also sees that it cannot and should not be so extended. “It belongs to the character of an interim to come to an end; there is a time for everything and nothing should be prolonged beyond its time. The eternal undergraduate is a lost soul.” To miss this is more than a philosophical mistake; it is bad for democracy."

Rick

More on the Family and Free Markets

I recently wrote a article that explores the issue of the breakdown of communal values in a society that idealizes individualism and the free market. It's entitled Empire of Personal Desire: American Law and the Destruction of Communal Forms of Meaning. You can take a look at it by clicking on my name in the right hand column and going to my webpage.

I use the recent campaign to end forced heirship in Louisiana as an example of how American law and culture reject the implications of a strong notion of the communal identity of the family in the law, particulalry if such an identity limits individual control of property. Forced heirship prevents an individual from disinheriting his or her children, except in extremely limited circumstances, and it is a legal principle grounded in the recognition of a cultural norm of the indissoluability of the relationship between parent and child. Louisiana is the only state in the United States that followed this prinicple, which is common in civil law systems. Few legal systems on earth give parents the freedom to disinherit children that is found in American law. Of course, few cultures on earth grant individual autonomy and economic freedom the kind of blind obeisance that American culture does.

One of the reasons that Louisiana retained forced heirship is that it's legal system is still linked to portions of the French and Spanish civil code traditions. What I think makes this case interesting for Catholics is that it is also a state that, at least until recently, was not culturally Anglo-American. Indeed, the elites in particular were much more Catholic and Latin in their cultural outlook. These same elites have resisted the complete takeover of the common law in Louisiana, but their influence is fading. The base of support for the retention of forced heirship was traditionally in Catholic South Louisiana, where the idea of the family community resonates most strongly. As the state has become more "American" there has been intense pressure to "modernize" the law in order to give individuals more "freedom" to do "what they wish with their own."

The Catholic notion of a communally situated individual has ramifications for how we understand ourselves as members of couples, families, and communities; how we understand our roles as parents, children, and spouses; and how we understand our obligations to those around us. Permanent bonds to others often are not economically efficient or wealth maximizing. For many Americans, however (and certainly most American elites), economic freedom and wealth maximization are inseparable from unfettered individual freedom. More and more, becoming as rich as one can and being able to do whatever one wants are the foundational values of American civilization. But, as John Gray and others have noted, most socieities recongnize that there are tremendous human and social costs to this kind of liberalism.

This is one reason why more and more people around the world hate the United States and what it stands for. They see Americans as willing to sacrifice almost anything in service of the marketplance and our culture as embodying values that, if allowed to proliferate unchecked, will destroy the communal goods and institutions for which liberal free markets have no patience. Catholic social teaching takes these concerns seriously and therefore understands the market in a way that supports and strengthens the common good, as well as those institutions (such as the family) that nurture community. The economy is supposed to serve people, not the other way round.


Vince

Thursday, May 6, 2004

More on the Catholic Charities case

On Tuesday, I had the pleasure of speaking with the St. Thomas More Society at the University of Chicago's law school. Thanks very much to those students who attended, and also to Professor Philip Hamburger (whose recent study, Separation of Church and State, is essential to understanding the Catholic Charities case, and religious freedom in America more generally).

In my talk, I am afraid that I gave relatively short shrift to the many interesting doctrinal questions presented in the California Supreme Court's decision: How, exactly does the Court's Smith decision apply to laws that burden the religious exercise of groups (churches, associations, institutions, etc.), as opposed to laws that assertedly burden the free exercise or conscience of particular, discrete individuals? Should California's free-exercise clause be read to impose a more demanding standard on state action than that imposed by Smith? If the answer to this question is "yes" -- and the court was willing to assume that it is, for the same of argument -- then what should the "strict scrutiny" review required by such a standard look like? (In my view, the California court's purported application of "strict scrutiny" is quite un-strict). If -- as I think is the case -- the California court failed to appreciate the extent to which the law challenged in the Catholic Charities case was targeted specifically at Catholic institutions (and is therefore not "neutral", as Smith purports to require), is this failure a ground for criticizing the California court, or for criticizing the Supreme Court's decision in Lukumi, which appears to disapprove "discriminatory", though facially neutral, laws? And so on . . .

As several students pointed out (and as others have noted in correspondence with me), the Catholic Charities case puts me in a bind: One the one hand, I have been convinced that Smith is probably right (i.e., that the First Amendment is best understood as not requiring exemptions for religious believers from generally applicable laws). On the other, I regard both the decision by the California Court, and the California legislature's refusal to accommodate the objections and obligations of Catholic Charities, as deeply injurious to authentic religious freedom. Hmmmm.

Rick

Wednesday, May 5, 2004

More on Free Markets and Family Breakdown

In response to my post (below) on free markets and the breakdown of the traditional family, CUA Philosophy Professor Bradley Lewis (again) offers some valuable insight, as well as some good leads on resources for those interested in exploring the area more thoroughly. He writes:

I think the tension you indicate [between the market and the viability of the traditional family] is quite real. The philosophical origin of it seems to me relatively evident since the first cogent statements of the arguments for capitalism and the disposable family are found in the very same work, Locke's Second Treatise. The first and still most powerful argument for capitalism is in ch. 5 of the treatise, "On Property" (86 years before Smith); and Locke's discussion of marriage in ch. 7 argues that the only natural bond between husband and wife is the welfare of their children and that once the children have grown there is no "natural" reason for the parents to remain together if they do not wish it. Once individual choice is allowed to disolve the marriage bond, even in this limited case, it seems to me a relatively short distance to a much broader set of conditions under which marriage is defeasible. Indeed, the distance can be measured with some precision in the history of philosophy: 169 years separate the publication of Locke's Second Treatise and J.S. Mill's On Liberty, in the fifth chapter of which Mill argues for complete personal freedom to enter and leave relationships, including marriage--he explicitly criticizes the argument that people should remain together for the sake of their children.

Sociologically/institutionally, I suspect the nexus between capitalism and family breakdown has got to do with industrialism, since that literally broke up the family, i.e., the husband going off to work during the day (to the factory initially, later and for the upper classes, to the office). This was important not only because of the temptations that may face the husband away from his family, but because it eventually ends the independent economic value of the household as a productive enterprise. That leaves only emotional attachment, a very valuable thing, but also more fragile and subject to disruption. Also it is easier to later interpret it as simply determined by individual choice. . . . I have very little to say about how to solve all this, since the alternatives to liberal market societies that one can point to as real possibilitites today have little to recommend them. Nevertheless there still seems to be a responsibility to grapple with the problems.

For those interested in further grappling (as I certainly am), Professor Lewis recommends an essay by Wendell Berry, "The Body and the Earth," in The Unsettling of America, as well as There's No Place Like Work by Brian Robertson (Spence, 2000), and Wealth, Poverty and Human Destiny, edited by Doug Bandow and David L. Schindler (ISI Books, 2003).

Also, MoJ reader Matt Festa points out that free markets still employ a variety of incentives, and that those incentives can tilt toward or away from the traditional family's maintenance. For the past 30 to 40 years, Mr. Festa contends, the American incentive structure has tilted decidedly against marriage, as reflected in the "marriage tax," in welfare policies that effectively penalize recipients who decide to marry, and in our "no fault" divorce laws. He contends that, "It is entirely possible to keep our current open market economy and our traditional family values."

Achieving the CST Vision under Conditions of Scarcity

One of the core lessons of economics is that we live in a world of scarce resources. The tools of economics, in many respects, thus are designed to help us make the best possible choices as to how to allocate those resources among competing claims. When we turn to the large social issues and public policy questions to which CST addresses itself, however, we frequently fail to recognize that tough choices about resource allocation must be made. As Bjorn Lomborg observed in a WSJ ($) op-ed today:

Strangely, this basic concept has been almost absent in debate about one of the most important choices the world makes: how we spend money designed to improve living standards around the globe. This money is most obvious in overseas development and aid spending, but is also achieved through trade policies, the funding of research into diseases, investment in environmental protection, peacekeeping missions and maintaining the U.N. apparatus. The cash has often tended to follow the public's attention from disaster to catastrophe -- indeed, the "cause of the hour" changes as fast as the media can set up cameras in another hotspot. Today's fears about climate change are yesterday's concerns about overpopulation, and tomorrow's outcry for a response to famine. ...
In an ideal world, we would have the money and the political capital to do everything. We would be able to end malnutrition, illiteracy and refugee problems, halt climate change, stop global conflicts, and wipe out corruption. But we live in the real world, where we must focus our efforts to achieve even some of these things. We have a stark choice. We can continue to prioritize without acknowledging that we are doing it. Or, we can work out a rational framework for our spending that makes some more sense.
Towards that end Lomborg and the Economist have gathered 9 world-class economists to formulate the so-called Copenhagen Consensus. (The Economist's coverage of the project is indexed here.)

It is an interesting and worthwhile project. Yet, I am somewhat skeptical of asking economists to formulate priorities, as opposed to merely asking them to advise policymakers. One is reminded, for example, of Harry Truman's despreate cry for "a one-handed economist!"

More to the point, perhaps, one is reminded that the tools of economics are far better suited for determining whether a particular state of affairs is allocatively efficient than for deciding whether such a state achieves other important values cherished by CST, such as distributional justice, virtue, and the protection of all life. Granted, as Judge Richard Posner continues to assert, "[t]he great power of wealth maximization, and of economics generally, is in clarifying the costs and benefits of a proposed course of action, eliminating or at least reducing the element of factual uncertainty, and in that way minimizing, the area of genuine irreducible moral debate." Richard A. Posner, Rebuttal to Malloy, 24 Valpariso L. Rev. 183, 184 (1990). Yet, I take it that as Catholics we must insist on leaving room for allocative efficiency to be trumped by what Judge Guido Calabresi famously referred to as "Other Justice."

Here I take the liberty of paraphrasing Catholic public intellectual Paul Johnson’s defense of capitalism:

The divine plan was indeed that we should enjoy the fruits of the earth and of our own industry, and [wealth maximization] is the best way we have yet devised to organize the latter. But it was equally the divine plan that God should be worshiped and obeyed and, not least, feared. The fear of the Lord, in short, is the beginning of [economic] wisdom, as of any other kind.
Whether that balance is achievable by policymakers in a Fallen world, of course, is a separate question (and one I addressed with skepticism in my contribution to Christian Perspectives on Legal Thought).

Tuesday, May 4, 2004

Free Markets and Family Breakdown

There's nothing especially original about noting the tension between free markets and traditional family structure, but I think the tension warrants some meaningful reflection given today's political climate, where unabashed support for free market supremacy is widely perceived as going hand in hand with unabashed support for two-parent families. In his 1997 book Endgames: Questions in Late Modern Political Thought, the British philosopher John Gray writes provocatively on this subject. He notes that "the institutions of the free market are potent destroyers," wiping out "not only defunct industries but also obsolete moralities." A prime example is the way "in which the workings of free markets can thwart human needs for enduring relationships and attachments. This can happen through the imperative to unencumbered mobility exerted on individuals and families in deregulated labour markets," especially when the market demands that both parents earn wages. Gray argues that "the increased fragility of our families cannot be unconnected with the strains imposed on them by economic policies that put flexibility of labour above any social consideration." He criticizes American communitarians like Amitai Etzioni and libertarians like Charles Murray for essentially "accept[ing] market individualism without question or criticism while calling for the restoration of a form of family life that is irrecovably gone."

Especially in religious circles, the breakdown of the family is often portrayed as the product of the individual rights revolution and/or some sort of secularist anti-family conspiracy. Should the focus of our blame be shifted to our free market economy? If so, is the family's demise just a lamentable but unavoidable by-product of an otherwise beneficial way of life, or is there something we can and should be doing about it in terms of state intervention? If any readers or co-bloggers have any input, I'd welcome it.

Rob

Monday, May 3, 2004

Catholic Charities talk

I'm going to be speaking about the Catholic Charities case to the University of Chicago Law School's Thomas More Society tomorrow. The more I think and read about the California decision, the more important and unsettling it becomes. If anyone has suggestions about particular features or implications of the case that are worth emphasizing, I'd welcome them.

Rick

Sunday, May 2, 2004

More on CST, Burke and Tradition

CUA Philosophy Professor Bradley Lewis sent along some very insightful comments on my post on the Burkean nature of CST:

1) Leo Strauss famously criticized Burke for perhaps unwittingly setting the stage for Hegel by way of his teaching on prescription, the very teaching to which you analogize (the right notion?) Catholic Social Teaching at least in its methodology. I think that criticism is somewhat strong, since Burke did hold that there were transcendent moral principles known as the natural/divine law (this unclarity about whether they are natural or require revelation is something of a problem in Burke from the perspective of contemporary pluralism)--indeed, he did so with particular eloquence in his writings and speeches on India, especially during the lengthy impeachment proceedings against Warren Hastings. Nevertheless, his rhetoric does sometimes smack of a kind of historicism, which one wants to distinguish from the principles of CST which claim to be universal.
2) Alasdair MacIntyre has alternately criticized Burke's notion of tradition as radically incomplete and unsatisfactory and also as providing sustenance for social policies radically at odds with some principles of CST. I would defend Burke from this in the sense that I don't believe Burke ever intended to produce a theory of tradition, but rather aimed to be the exponent of a particular tradition and one very particularly situated in the face of contemporary controversies over domestic English, imperial British and generall European politics. If one wants a more satisfactory account of tradition by which to account for the development of CST, why not Newman, who did aim to develop something like a theory of tradition in the specific context of the development of Catholic doctrine. On a smaller scale a similar theory seems contained in T.S. Eliot's famous essay, "Tradition and the Individual Talent" (endorsed rather curiously by Ronald Dworkin, of all people, in Law's Empire as consistent with Herculean legal hermeneutics). In a more contemporary vein MacIntyre himself has offered an account of tradition in specifically moral and political philosophy in his two books, Whose Justice? Which Rationality? (especially the later chapters) and Three Rival Versions of Moral Enquiry. MacIntyre's basic definition of tradition is "an argument carried out and extended over time." Tradition in this sense indicates a characteristic set of problems relying on fundamental principles and canonical texts continuously interpreted, reinterpreted and applied to particular problems and contexts. Traditions break down when they cannot solve the very problems they have set for themselves and are sometimes subsumed by rival traditions, which can provide better accounts than they of why they cannot solve their own problems. Sometimes two traditions breakdown on their own, but succeed in transcending such crises by merging into a new superior tradition: MacIntyre thinks this happened during the middle ages when Aristotelianism and Augustinianism merged into a new tradition in the thought of Aquinas, which is the very tradition out of which CST emerges. This all seems to me a much better and more precise account than what one finds in Burke (who, in other respects, I admire).
3) Taking MacIntyre's account as paradigmatic seems to me to provide a basis for the sort of account of CST you are looking to articulate. The major problem, however, is that I don't think it provides any easy way to transcend contemporary dilemmas about pluralism. Here, MacIntyre's consistent advice is that the best the Thomist tradition can do is to articulate its own view as a tradition and work through its problems, while engaging in disputes with rival traditions (MacIntyre thinks liberalism is a kind of tradition--the dominant one in modern Western societies) to press the case for its own superiority as a tradition of moral enquiry. Pluralism, however, at the level of broad society is here to stay as are its attendant practical problems.
One of the cool things about blogging is getting this sort of feedback, even though Prof. Lewis has left me a lot of homework to do!

Saturday, May 1, 2004

End of Life: A Reader Responds

I am indebted to Notre Dame philosophy Professor John O'Callaghan for his very thoughtful response to my intuitions concerning the removal of nutrution and hydration from patients in a persistent vegetative state. He puts meat on the bones of my musings with his insightful letter, which I share now:

"I thought I would respond to the issue of removing food and hydration from patients in a persistent vegetative state that you posted on the Mirror of Justice blog. Before beginning, I want to point out that I am neither a moral theologian, nor a moral philosopher, nor a medical ethicist. I teach medieval philosophy, particularly metaphysics and the philosophy of human nature, areas that are rather far removed from medical ethics, at least as the latter is presently understood. I have also not yet had the chance to read the bishop’s letter. So I can claim no specialization here, and what follows will not be in any way an argument from authority. Instead it will simply be a straightforward argument based upon reflection of my own. For a long time I have shared your discontent with the assimilation of the withholding of food and hydration to the withholding of extraordinary life support. I think the cases are quite distinct. Consider a few premises: 1) We are ordinarily obliged to provide food and water to someone who is hungry
and, or starving. This claim has to do with our moral obligations. I do not know what laws there might be in different states or jurisdictions, etc., obliging one to provide such care. (I assume that at least with respect to parents and children there are such laws.) But most people would admit, I think, that one has failed in one’s moral obligations if one allows another to starve to death or die from dehydration. To fail to come to his or her aid is to be guilty of a moral fault of omission. 2) We are not ordinarily obliged to provide “extraordinary” medical treatment to keep someone alive who will otherwise die. Such treatment is usually a treatment that retards or even temporarily stops a pathological process from reaching its term in the death of the individual. It is “extraordinary” because of moral, social, financial, experimental, or other factors that may set the context for the delivery of the treatment. 3) So the first conclusion is that prima facie ordinarily providing food and water to someone who is starving cannot be conceived of as extraordinary means of keeping someone alive. All well and good, and presumably not surprising to
anyone. 4) But then the question becomes whether a “persistent vegetative state” changes the ordinary moral obligation into one that falls under “extraordinary means,” and thus one in which one may refrain from providing food and hydration. It is hard to see that it does. One can think of at least two scenarios. A) the patient is actually capable of swallowing food and water that is placed on his or her tongue. How is that extraordinary means? What are the moral, social, financial, experimental, or other factors that make it “extraordinary?” Consider a conscious quadriplegic, incapable of feeding himself or herself. Presumably one places food and water on his or her tongue, and he or she swallows it. No one would claim that our ordinary moral obligation to feed and hydrate him or her becomes a matter of “extraordinary means” that we are not obliged to provide simply because the food must be placed on his or her tongue.

The key difference between the quadriplegic here and the person in a persistent vegetative state is consciousness. It is not a question of a terminal pathology. Thus one is tempted to withhold food and water from the patient qua unconscious, not qua terminally ill. Indeed, the very description “persistent vegetative state” implies that it is not a case of the terminally ill. B) the patient has to be fed and hydrated through a tube or some other medical technology. Does this make the feeding and hydrating extraordinary?
No, and for two reasons. In the first place, ‘technological means’ is not synonymous with ‘extraordinary means’. The fact that medical technology, however complicated, has to be used to deliver a treatment does not imply of itself that it is “extraordinary.” As I mentioned above, the judgment of “extraordinariness” has to do with a lot of other factors, moral, social, etc., that might be in play here, a crucial one of which I will return to in a minute. But it does not have to do with the fact that the medical treatment uses some piece of technology however complex. The second reason parallels the case I just mentioned involving the quadriplegic. Suppose now that we had someone who was not a quadriplegic, but instead suffered from some horrible pathology of the mouth, throat, or autonomic system that prevented him or her from eating, a person moreover who is not in a persistent vegetative state. The only way that patient could be fed and hydrated would be through a tube or some other medical technology. Would we then think that we no longer had a moral obligation to feed and hydrate such a patient, but could in good conscience watch him or her starve? I doubt anyone would agree that the ordinary obligation falls under the “extraordinary means” principle in such a situation. So as in the other case, the crucial factor that leads one to move toward such a denial as extraordinary does not have to do with the actual pathology that patient is suffering from, terminal or chronic, but the lack of consciousness in him or her.

The centrality of consciousness to the question raises two fundamental points about the “extraordinary means” principle. Because I am not a medical ethicist, I cannot make the following claims with any absolute certainty. But 1) the question of the consciousness of the patient traditionally is not a part of the determination of “extraordinary means.” And 2) a) the context within which “extraordinary means” comes into play has as at least one necessary condition that the patient is suffering from a terminal pathology, where b) the “extraordinary means” are used to retard or temporarily halt the course of that pathology. The result of withholding those “extraordinary means” is that the patient will die from that pathology, where otherwise his or her life would be extended for some period of time, all other things being equal.

And here it seems to me is a crucial factor determining why the withholding of food and hydration is not the withholding of “extraordinary means,” if what I just claimed is correct. In feeding or hydrating we are addressing a normal part of organic life, namely hunger. Hunger is not itself a pathology; indeed it is a sign of health. Failure to address it leads to pathology. When food and water are withheld from a patient, he or she dies from a pathology he or she did not already have. The pathologies themselves of starvation and, or dehydration that kill the patient are the direct result of the act of omission; I am responsible for the existence of the pathology that kills him or her. In the case of “extraordinary means,” the pathology that kills the patient is not a direct result of the act of omission. The corresponding act of commission was impeding the pathology that was already there completely independent of any act of omission or commission on my part. I may well be responsible for the fact that the fatal pathology has not been retarded or temporarily halted, but I am not responsible for the very existence of that pathology. The “extraordinary means” principle allows that I am not always obliged to perform actions that may extend a person’s life. It in no way allows that I may introduce a pathology that will terminate a person’s life.

Consider a patient who is not vegetative but in the advanced stages of some cancer. And consider a nurse and a doctor. The nurse is responsible for providing food and hydration for the patient (however delivered), while the doctor is responsible for some extraordinary means retarding or temporarily halting the progress of the cancer. If the nurse withholds the food and water while the doctor continues the treatment, the patient will die. But he or she will not die of cancer. A new pathology out of the control of the doctor will kill the patient despite the doctor’s best efforts to address the patient's cancer. On the other hand, suppose the nurse continues to feed and hydrate the patient while the doctor ceases to provide the extraordinary treatment. Then the patient will die as well, but from a completely different pathology, namely, the cancer. And if we don’t know who withheld the treatment, presumably we could ask a medical examiner to perform an autopsy. With a reasonable amount of scientific precision, the examiner is likely to be able to tell us which pathology killed the patient, the starvation or dehydration that was a direct result of the nurse’s act of omission, or the cancer that was not a direct result of the doctor’s act of omission. All the difference in the world rests upon what condition kills the patient, a condition that is present regardless of what I try to do to retard or temporarily halt it, or a condition that is present precisely because of my failure to act. If I withhold food and water from my children I will and I should be held responsible for their deaths, because they would die from a pathology I am responsible for. That basic fact does not change even when they are unconscious and incapable of knowing the pathology that is killing them. But if I withhold “extraordinary means” from a patient who is already terminally ill, I should not be held responsible for his or her death, since I am not responsible for the pathology that kills him or her.

But to return to the question at hand, one is not even proposing withholding food and hydration from the terminally ill, but rather from the persistently vegetative. That is, one is proposing to withhold food and hydration from someone who is not even dying! In that case, there is no ambiguity about who or what killed the patient. The patient was not dying until I began to withhold food and hydration. There is simply no question that I am responsible for the death of the patient, where in the case of “extraordinary means” no one would claim that I am responsible for the pathology that kills the patient, even if I am responsible for not delaying his or her death from that pathology.

I think it is practically inconceivable that anyone would suggest that a conscious patient who is capable of taking food and hydration can be denied such food and hydration because he or she suffers either from an incurable disease that will lead to death, or from a chronic and very debilitating but not fatal illness. To do so would be euthanasia. This I take it is the bishop’s point. Indeed, I think this is true even if one were faced with the situation of someone refusing to eat. Our moral judgment falls on the side of recognizing such a desire to starve to be itself pathological. Presumably we would make the food and water available and urge the patient to eat. So, it looks as though the condition that allows us as a community to begin to suggest removing food and hydration is that the patient not be conscious of what is happening to him or her. In other words the urge to deny food and water is made active when the patient is unresponsive. But it does not cease to be euthanasia because the patient is unconscious. And we have to ask ourselves whether or not refusing the patient food and hydration is designed to relieve his or her suffering, or our own as we are faced with our frustration over the apparently interminable continuation of our having to care for such a person.

At the heart of this desire is a bad philosophy of human nature that associates being a person with healthy consciousness, rather than with the living organic unity of a member of the human species. But that is a rather large argument that needs to be made, that I’ll only summarize here. Alasdair MacIntyre has made an effort to begin addressing it in his “Dependent Rational Animals,” as has John Kavanaugh in his “Who Counts as Persons. Human Identity and the Ethics of Killing.” Other treatments not dealing specifically with the question of care for the ill, are Eric Olson in “The Human Animal : Personal Identity Without Psychology,” as well as some of the work of the Princeton philosopher Mark Johnston. All of these figures stress that we are human animals, that is, animals of a distinctive sort. Animals have an organic unity in their lives, despite whatever pathologies they may suffer from in the course of those lives. In contemporary philosophy, these thinkers represent a minority view. It is fair to say the majority view is that human persons are constituted by their psychology and consciousness. No consciousness, no person. Few contemporary philosophers are full blown Cartesian dualists in the sense of thinking the mind is a separate substance from the animal body. But most betray, consciously or unconsciously (pun somewhat intended), the inertia of that dualism. They conceive of personhood as some special feature that comes to the human animal sometime down the developmental line, at some “magic moment” otherwise known as the dawning of consciousness. Similarly the loss of consciousness is seen to be the expiring of personhood even as the human animal may continue to live on. Kavanaugh calls these latter views “performance” accounts of personhood; one is a person because one can presently perform the activities characteristic of persons which are psychological activities involving consciousness. His view and those of MacIntyre, and others rely upon what he calls “endowment” criteria of personhood. In an endowment account, a human person is an animal of a certain sort, the distinctiveness of which consists in being endowed with the capacity to reason or be conscious. The crucial difference is that on an endowment account one need not be presently capable of exercising that endowment in order to possess it. Children, as animals, are endowed with the capacity to reproduce even though they cannot exercise it until puberty, and so on.

The performance accounts have difficulty in giving an adequate account of a) consciousness as a developmental stage in the life of an animal, and b) unconsciousness as in some instances a pathology of that animal. a) If consciousness is a developmental stage in the life of an animal, then it is not
fundamental. Why is it that consciousness only dawns in the life of some kinds of animals, including the human, and not others? It turns out that these animals are endowed with the capacity to develop consciousness. Being a person is derivative upon being the kind of being one is. But in that case the performance account collapses into an endowment account. To avoid that collapse, the performance account has to picture the dawning of consciousness in the life of an animal as utterly mysterious. (When I think of this problem, I hum to myself the song “This Magic Moment.”) b) the endowment account has no
difficulty recognizing that a vegetative state is a pathological state for a human animal. “This kind of animal, given what it is, what it is endowed with, ought to be able to exercise conscious psychological functions. It can’t. There must be something wrong. Let’s see if we can fix it.” Because it is a pathological state, one is justified in trying to cure it medically. But the performance account, insofar as it does not see consciousness and thus personhood as a natural endowment of a certain kind of animal, has a difficult time recognizing that the human animal in a vegetative state is in a pathological state. If the capacity for consciousness is not a natural endowment of this kind of animal, why do we think it is ill when it cannot exercise it? By analogy, if the capacity to reproduce is not an endowment of this kind of animal, we should not think that sterility after puberty is a pathology for this kind of animal that we might seek to cure. But enough. It is contemporary philosophy of persons and consciousness with its performance account that by and large animates the medical ethics that is out there. I am in the minority view, as is the Church I believe.

I hope what I have written makes a certain amount of sense to you. Writing it is in many ways an exercise on my part of actually clarifying for myself the thoughts that have been swirling around in my head for several years now. I think one of your members, Rick Garnett has written about the need for an
adequate theological anthropology in order to work out these questions of life and death. These are just reflections toward an adequate philosophical anthropology. Thanks for the opportunity to clarify my thoughts to myself, if not to you as well. And pray for those who are charged with the responsibility of caring for persons in persistent vegetative states. There but for the grace of God go I."