Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Friday, December 3, 2004

the status of Roe v. Wade

I ran across an op-ed piece in today's San Francisco Chronicle that takes what is apparently an increasingly common position among law professors who are in favor of abortion rights. The essay by Mary Dudziak argues that the current concern about the fate of Roe v. Wade with new membership on the Supreme Court is misplaced because "the heart and soul of Roe was actually overruled in 1992." According to this view, the Court in Casey "retained Roe in name only. It pulled out the substance, and inserted a substitute. It was not the core of Roe that was preserved, but instead just a shell." This is very similar to the view expressed by Chris Whitman in the centennial issue of the Michigan Law Review. See 100 Mich. L. Rev. 1980 (2002). There, Whitman argued that "only a sliver" of the right to abortion remains after Casey. I recently published a comment on Whitman's article in a University Faculty for Life volume edited by Father Joe Koterski SJ. My comment explores this argument in more detail than I can provide here. But I think the rhetorical startegy of Dudziak and Whitman needs to be countered. Any serious discussion of the constitutional issues raised by pro-life legislation needs to begin by accurately describing the current state of affairs, and a discussion that contends that the right to abortion has only a "minimal existence" under current law doesn't meet even the lowest possible standard of accuracy. We ought to be able to expect better from distinguished academics.

Richard

About the Netherlands ...

I followed the link in Steve Bainbridge's posting this morning--the link to the Hewitt piece.  According to a passage Hewitt quotes, this is what the the Groningen Protocol does:

Under the Groningen protocol, if doctors at the hospital think a child is suffering unbearably from a terminal condition, they have the authority to end the child's life. The protocol is likely to be used primarily for newborns, but it covers any child up to age 12.

The hospital, beyond confirming the protocol in general terms, refused to discuss its details.

"It is for very sad cases," said a hospital spokesman, who declined to be identified. "After years of discussions, we made our own protocol to cover the small number of infants born with such severe disabilities that doctors can see they have extreme pain and no hope for life. Our estimate is that it will not be used but 10 to 15 times a year."

Wouldn't the Doctrine of Double Effect permit parents to authorize the administration of a sedative (e.g., morphine) to their child in order to relieve the child's unbearable pain--even, if necessary to relieve the pain, to the point where the child's respiratory system is depressed and the child dies . . . so long as the parents do not intend the death of the child but only the relief of the child's unbearable pain?  Of course, the proportionality test (which is the second part of the DDE) would not be met if the child's condition were not terminal.  But if the child's condition is terminal--if the child will die within the week--then wouldn't the proportionality test be met?

Am I missing something?  I would appreciate any comments you might have about this situation.  Let's think this through together before we start talking about Nazi doctors (even if, after we think it through, we want to start talking about Nazi doctors).

Michael P.

More on "Theory" v. "theory"

Little "t" theory must also be attentive to human experience--present as well as past.  Otherwise it becomes "Theory" in the sense of a self-contained, impregnable, and ultimately sterile system so out of touch with human reality as to be useless.  Consider this passage from Jesuit scholar John Mahoney's magisterial book The Making of Moral Theology:  A Study of the Roman Catholic Tradition (Oxford, 1987):

At any stage in history all that is available to the Church is its continual meditation on the Word of God in the light of contemporary experience and of the knowledge and insights into reality which it possesses at the time.  To be faithful to that set of circumstances . . . is the charge and challenge which Christ has given to his Church.  But if there is a historical shift, through improvement in scholarship or knowledge, or through an entry of society into a significantly different age, then what that same fidelity requires of the Church is that it respond to the historical shift, such that it might be not only mistaken but also unfaithful in declining to do so. (Page 327.)

I wonder whether much religious-moral opposition to same-sex unions--including that of the magisterium of the Church--doesn't partake much more of Theory than of theory.  I have pursued this matter elsewhere--in chapter 4 of my book Under God?, which is titled "Christians, the Bible, and Same-Sex Unions".

Michael P.

Theory: Big T or little t?

Rob's post about Paul Griffith's typically very interesting Orwell piece and its possible relevance to our search for a Christian legal theory raises the question of what we mean by theory. Having some sort of "theory" about what one does strikes me as inescapable -- it is the interpretative framework with which we understand the world and organize our actions. What Griffiths (reading Orwell) and Rob are talking about as problematic is what I would call "Theory" with a capital T, a type of theory which in its abstraction and rigidity becomes fundamentally non-human or even anti-human. It ceases to be about the human person at all, and becomes increasingly self referential and self justifying. Think of Pol Pot, the emblematic "Theorist" of the post-Nazi era. Christian "theory", in contrast, always should remain tied to the irreducible dignity of the human person; in that sense it is anti-"Theory." But it is still "theory", in the sense that we are charged with figuring out what the implications of that irreducible dignity means for law and society; it serves as our starting point for a human person-centered understandinmg of the purposes and character of law and critical analysis of legal structures expressive of "Theory." Christian/Catholic theory is thus both theoretical and anti-Theory, inevitably constrained by the belief that each human person embodies the divine.

-Mark

The Gospel of Life: Is Anyone Listening?

Hugh Hewitt raises a vital issue:

The Groningen Protocol is the proposal of doctors in the Netherlands for the establishment of an "independent committee" charged with selecting babies and other severely handicapped or disabled people for euthanasia. ...

This is either a low point, or a point of no return. The establishment of "independent committees" to dispatch non-consenting humans is nothing but a death penalty committee for innocents. Once begun, it is impossible--simply impossible--to limit the concept with any bright line. Abortion, of course, has always been limited by the physical act of birth, and once out of the womb, only the most extreme "reproductive rights" advocates have argued that the baby's natural right to live can be compromised by the mother. But now the Netherlands has gone farther--much, much farther. If the "severely retarded" may be killed upon appropriate motion, second, debate, and majority vote, why not the moderately retarded? Why not the mildly retarded? Why not, in fact, anyone the "independent committee" deems as usefully dispatched.

At Auschwitz, detraining Jews were examined by a pair of doctors, who decided which lived (temporarily) and which went straight to the gas chambers. If you will, that decision thus also was made by an "independent committee" of doctors.

It is the growing sense that every action such as this takes us further down a slippery slope that has made, in the last couple of years, the Gospel of Life the one non-negotiable public policy in my view.

Scientific progress has resulted in advances that are unsettling for the consciences of men and women and call for solutions that respect ethical principles in a coherent and fundamental way. At the same time, legislative proposals are put forward which, heedless of the consequences for the existence and future of human beings with regard to the formation of culture and social behaviour, attack the very inviolability of human life. Catholics, in this difficult situation, have the right and the duty to recall society to a deeper understanding of human life and to the responsibility of everyone in this regard. John Paul II, continuing the constant teaching of the Church, has reiterated many times that those who are directly involved in lawmaking bodies have a grave and clear obligation to oppose any law that attacks human life. For them, as for every Catholic, it is impossible to promote such laws or to vote for them. (Link)

(Crossposted from ProfessorBainbridge.com)

Thursday, December 2, 2004

Orwell for Christians

Several weeks ago, Rick asked the question, "Is Christian Jurisprudence possible?"  One surprising source of insight might be the work of George Orwell, at least in terms of his skepticism toward modern humanity's devotion to overarching normative theories of society.  In an article entitled "Orwell for Christians" in the current First Things, Paul Griffiths explains:

[Orwell] was, from a Christian point of view, a self-tortured pagan whose moral vision was unusually clear.  From a reading or rereading of him at the beginning of the third millenium Christians can learn how easy it is to justify atrocity by misplaced theory, whether in politics or ethics.  Many Christians in Europe in the 1930s and '40s (Catholics in Spain and Italy; Protestants and Catholics alike in Germany) permitted themselves to connive at or endorse atrocity because of the seductions of theory.  Orwell reminds us of the first thing to do when you're faced with actions or recommendations to actions that are malum in se: don't theorize; actively resist and speak out.  He reminds us, too, that most of us have an uneasy grasp of theoretical argument, much more uneasy than our grasp upon our moral responses to what we are faced with. . . .

Arguing with people whose consciences and perceptions are deeply malformed can do no good, for the difficulty isn't at the conceptual level.  Argument about such matters as whether torture is always wrong, whether genocide is an acceptable instrument of foreign policy, whether state-authorized killing has justifications beyond the protection of the innocent, whether killing babies in utero is defensible and so on, is not only useless, however.  It is also dangerous because it will typically seem to take seriously a corrupt standpoint.  The virtue we can learn from Orwell is to see the power of language to depict and of thought to grasp the meaning of what is depicted, and to strive to use language in such a way that it more fully realizes that power.

This virtue is not much in evidence in American political or literary life today, and the passionate divisions among those on the left and right trying to expropriate Orwell for their own use almost all show precisely the kind of slavery to their own smelly little political orthodoxies that Orwell encouraged us to see through.  If we can see through them with a clear eye, we will see what he saw, which is that the field of human history and human political effort is a potter's field, a field of blood.  Every step we take is on ground saturated with the blood of the slaughtered.  That has not changed since Orwell's time, and we can benefit from paying close attention to his lesson, which is that a sure way to increase the flow of that blood is to think ourselves in possession of a sure and complete means to stanch it.  To act on such a conviction is to sacrifice the present to an imaginary future, and it is among Orwell's principal virtues that he presses that truth upon us.  It should not be a hard lesson for Christians to learn, for it is written into the text of our tradition, too.

I don't read this as suggesting that the development of Christian legal theory is impossible or imprudent, but that it is necessarily different.  Much of this difference, in my view, will flow from the humility with which Christian theorists approach their work.

Rob

SAME-SEX MARRIAGE

[Thought this piece would be of interest.  I've reprinted the whole essay because, alas, one can't access it online unless one is a subscriber.  Stephen Pope (Boston College, Theology) is responding to an essay by Robert Sokolowski (Catholic U, Philosophy).]

AMERICA:  The National Catholic Weekly

December 6, 2004

Same-Sex Marriage:  Threat or Aspiration?

Stephen J. Pope

The debate over legalizing same-sex marriage has become a worldwide issue. On Sept. 4 Pope John Paul II denounced the notion to the new Canadian ambassador to the Holy See, Donald Smith. The issue also has been the subject of court decisions and legislative actions throughout the United States and was taken up by both presidential candidates in their campaigns. The way of addressing the issue often seems to be more a matter of political maneuvering and power struggles than moral dialogue or ethical analysis, yet occasionally one does find clear arguments advanced by careful thinkers. One such contribution was offered in the June 7, 2004, issue of America in an article by Msgr. Robert Sokolowski entitled “The Threat of Same-Sex Marriage.”

Sokolowski’s essay has the virtues of clarity and consistency. Readers know where he stands, and why, on recent proposals to give legal recognition to same-sex marriages. His central claims can be summarized as follows:

1. Recognition of same-sex marriages would mean that marriage will be defined by the “exchange of sex.” This is a redefinition of marriage that breaks with the traditional notion according to which procreation “specifies” what a marriage is.

2. If marriage is a contract that brings benefits and protections to adults who are simply friends rather than procreative couples, then it would have to be extended to all groups of people who wish to be friends. If marriage is defined more specifically, as a contract that gives legal status to consenting adults engaged in a specifically sexual relationship, then it would have to include multiple partners rather than just couples. Restricting the contract to two adults would be arbitrary from the point of view of those who would like to have legal status granted to polygamous or other multiple-partner sexual relationships.

3. The desire to detach procreation from marriage reflects the modern rejection of teleology, the ancient principle that the “nature” of things determines their good and proper functioning. The modern commitment to the “mastery of nature” by technology explains why many contemporary people find it possible to believe that marriage and sex do not have inherent purposes rooted in their natures.

4. Sex is “defined as the power to procreate,” and the first and defining characteristic of marriage is the “physical procreation” of children. Mutual love is not “on a par” with procreation, though the marital relationship ought to be informed by love or “mutual benevolence.” Anyone who separates sexuality from procreation lives an “illusion” and “lies” about the matter, and these vices lead in turn to a host of other moral problems. “The most obvious truths become obscured.”

These four claims capture the essential points, if not all the details, of the ethical argument put forth by Sokolowski against the legal recognition of same-sex marriage. His argument is straightforward, and his moral logic articulates a way of viewing this matter that is expressed by some members of the magisterium and their intellectual collaborators.

The argument contains a number of different kinds of claims. The first is based on a general vision of the place of sex within marriage; the second concerns the extension of marriage to the general category of friendship (i.e., one that is neutral with regard to procreation), joined to a “slippery-slope” argument that begins with an ethic justified by the decisions of consenting adults; the third laments the modern abandonment of final causality as the key point in a cultural context that makes proposals for legal recognition of same-sex marriage plausible to significant proportions of American society; and the fourth claim argues for the return to the traditional belief that marriage is for the sake of procreation.

It is important to note that his argument is based on reason, especially common sense observations of human behavior shaped by a Thomistic view of human nature and its intrinsic “ends.” There is little doubt that the modern fascination with the “mastery of nature” has had some destructive effects on society, on the natural world and on social institutions. It connects, in complex ways and in tandem with other cultural and economic factors, to a variety of problems related to sexual ethics: the reduction of sex to a tool for entertainment and recreation and its detachment from love as well as procreation; the legitimation of sexual behavior solely by the choices of consenting adults; and the threat to human dignity, particularly the dignity of unborn life, by the emergence of barely restrained reproductive technology. This having been said, other features of this argument suffer from significant defects.

The first claim, the heart of the argument, maintains that same-sex marriage would “re-define” marriage as the “exchange of sex.” Yet those gay people who wish to marry profess to do so because they love each other and want therefore to pledge themselves to each other in a permanent commitment. Many gay people, like many straight people, already “exchange sex” without desiring any such commitment. The argument thus fails to acknowledge the aspirations and ideals that motivate gay people who want to marry. From the point of view of authors like Andrew Sullivan, the civil law ought to extend to gay couples the same legal protection and social support that is already granted to married heterosexual couples. Marriage in this view is not simply about an “exchange of sex”—language that sounds a bit like the old manualist “conjugal debt”—but about intimate, caring, interpersonal love. Sokolowski’s emphasis on the primacy of procreation actually represents a reversion to an earlier preconciliar ethic that represents a substantial departure from the more personalist theology of marriage developed by Pope John Paul II.

More Than Friendship

It is also important to recognize that marriage is not only about friendship in any very broad sense of the term. It is about a romantic and sexual relationship that joins two people in a lifelong and exclusive bond. The template for this bond is heterosexual—a union of complementary opposites, as John Paul II has described in his many talks. The monogamous and exclusive nature of this love is said to be a reflection of its depth and profundity; it is not the kind of love that a person can share with more than one beloved. Considerations of interpersonal love as well as of justice (and particularly equality) militate against polygamy or other forms of multiple-partner marriage (“polyamory”). Having more than one partner in a marriage necessarily creates an imbalance of power and leaves the relationship structurally open to the destabilizing force of sexual jealousy.

Another plank in the argument holds that the separation of sex and marriage is due to the modern rejection of the inherent ends of marriage and sex. While some readers will doubt that most couples using birth control are avid readers of Bacon and Descartes, Sokolowski is right to point to broad cultural patterns that feed into a pervasive ethos that looks to technology to provide the clearest and best answers to serious moral problems. This desire to dominate nature and humanity is evident not only in the domains of sex and reproduction but also in our military adventures and environmental policies.

Yet it also has to be acknowledged that some advocates of same-sex marriage argue on the basis of natural human ends and not against them. They maintain that the natural ends of sexuality and sexual behavior include love as well as procreation. Primatologists like Francis de Waal of Emory University and Richard Wrangham of Harvard have shown in considerable detail how sexual behavior in our closest primate relatives, the chimpanzees, naturally functions to create social bonds, soothe fractured relationships, provide comfort in times of stress and promote other pro-social goods. Humans are not chimps, obviously, but there are scientific as well as moral reasons for holding that human sexual behavior functions to enhance the emotional and affective bond between lovers. This claim can be read as a claim that endorses rather than repudiates the age-old notion that human nature inclines to certain ends, the achievement of which contributes to human flourishing. Some advocates argue that, though it may not lead to “physical procreation,” same-sex marriage provides conditions that satisfy what Pope Paul VI called the “unitive” purpose of sex. Hence arguments against same-sex marriage need to address this “essentialist” rationale—i.e., one based on an account of natural ends—if they are going to be reasonably comprehensive.

Non-Procreative Sex

Sexual intercourse is the natural way in which humans engage in “physical procreation”; but, as just noted, there are reasons for thinking that procreation is not the primary (let alone exclusive) natural end of sex. Human beings across cultures engage in an enormous amount of nonprocreative sex. Unlike species in which females go into heat and give clear signals to potential mates, the human species is one of the few in which females manifest constant sexual receptivity (when they are already pregnant, for example, or even postmenopausal).

Nor is it obvious that procreation is the dominant end of marriage. Marriage, after all, is a social and cultural institution whose meaning varies in important ways across historical and cultural boundaries. In the past, marriage in most of its forms has been related to child-bearing and child-rearing. Marriage is the context in which procreation has more often than not taken place, and in general it provides a more nurturing, reliable framework for raising children than do the alternatives. Yet this does not mean that the “first and defining character of marriage” is the “physical procreation” of children. The latter phrase sounds as if human beings are like fish, whose main “investment” (as the biologists like to say) is to make sure that the female’s eggs are fertilized by the male in the right riverbed before they depart. The vast majority of human procreative energy is expended not in “physical procreation,” if by that is meant simple biological reproduction—fertilization, gestation and birth—but in providing children with the proper emotional, moral, social and spiritual upbringing.

This is the broader and more noble sense in which Pope Paul VI spoke about “procreation” in Humanae Vitae. The extended period of adult child-rearing, preceded by a profound infantile and childhood dependence, is one of the traits that are uniquely human. Yet this level of child care does not mean that childless married couples are any less married than procreative married couples. Marriage has its own integrity, which does not require validation by procreation. This message is important today, when married couples living into their mid-80’s spend the major portion of their life together having nothing to do with procreation.

Furthermore, we are now in a society that gives social recognition to a great variety of relationships outside of marriage. Children are being raised outside of marriage at a higher rate. Middle-class married couples are increasingly delaying childbearing, even into their early 40’s.

The Real World

Some gay couples are adopting and in this way function as “procreative units,” at least in the broad sense of the term that embraces child-rearing and education. This development provides great benefits for children who would otherwise go without loving homes. The desire to return to a “golden age” when marriage “meant” procreation (if it ever really did) is more nostalgic than realistic. Ethical analysis of current proposals to give legal recognition to same-sex marriage thus needs to begin with an acknowledgment of the “real world” status of the social situation in which we find ourselves—and of the real benefits as well as costs that are at stake in it.

Critics of same-sex marriage have a number of valid concerns, of a broad social nature, that need to be subjected to further examination and discussion. But this further discussion needs to be informed by a perspective that acknowledges that love and commitment are at the center of marriage. If observers want to understand the desire to extend marriage to same-sex couples, they ought to consider the point of view of those couples. The absence of this “sympathetic understanding” leads to significant flaws in some ways of viewing same-sex marriage. This is not to say that “sympathetic understanding” provides all the answers, only that it offers a helpful context for conversation. If polemics and political maneuvers have often undermined the possibility of genuine conversation, perhaps Catholics have a duty to examine the issues freshly and without the rancor that so often mars public debate in this country.

Infant Euthanasia in the Netherlands

Evangelical Outpost has an interesting take on the deafening silence that has met the announcement that hospitals in the Netherlands have officially embraced infant euthanasia:

I must admit that the most surprising aspect of this story is that people find the practice of euthanasia surprising. For the past thirty years almost all Western nations have embraced some form of abortion and in doing so have accepted the premise that human life in not intrinsically valuable. The shift from abortion to active euthanasia of infants does not require tumbling down the slippery slope; it merely requires people to act consistently with their views.

Rob

RELIGION IN POLITICS, PART 2

On November 19, Rick Garnett called to our attention a piece on religion/politics by Peter Beinart, in The New Republic.  In the piece, Beinart wrote:

[W]hen you make public arguments, you have to ground them--as much as possible--in reason and evidence, things that are accessible to people of different religions, or no religion at all.  Otherwise, you can't persuade other people, and they can't persuade you.  In a diverse democracy, there must be a common political language, and that language can't be theological.

I don't know exactly what Beinart means by "a common political language", but I do know that if there were such an animal, I don't know why it couldn't be "theological".  Is Lincoln's theological language in the Second Inaugural too sectarian for Beinart's taste?  Or MLK's language in his many speeches?  That a language is too sectarian for someone's taste doesn't mean that it isn't a common language among most citizens of a particular polity.  Beinart talks, in the passage above, about "persuading other people".  Isnt it clear, even to secular liberals like Beinart, that with respect to many issues (e.g., war and peace), a theological language--I said "theological", not "fundamentalist"--may have much greater resonance and persuasive appeal for more Americans than any nontheological language?

Maybe Beinart is simply recycling the now discredited position that public political discourse should be "neutral" in some sense.  If any of you reading this posting has any doubts about whether that position, in all its variations, has been discredited, pick up a copy of this book and read it:  Christiopher J. Eberle, Religious Convictions in Liberal Politics (Cambridge Univ. Press, 2002).  (Eberle is a philosopher and, nonetheless, a very nice guy.)  Eberle's book comes as close to achieving closure on the issue as is humanly possible.  For my money, Eberle *has* achieved closure.  (You're skeptical?  Put your finger on a point where, in your judgment, Eberle's argument misfires.)

On November 22 (a day that will always have a special resonance for me; I was a senior in high school when it happened), I reproduced two entries from Eugene Volokh's blog and a response from a blog titled "Ciceronian Review".  I had thought about posting some commentary here on what Volokh and his critic say.  (I am in substantial agreement with Volokh's critic about Volokh's impoverished moral epistemology, and also in agreement with the critic that "[t]he debate should not be about the nature of value theory or about moral epistemology.")  But I've decided that it would be otiose of me to do so.  (It's a shame that neither Volokh nor his critic took the time to bring himself up to speed--that neither took a break, sat down, and assimiliated at least some of the relevant literature--before opining to their readers.)  Why otiose?  Because, again, Eberle's book is there for all who are interested in the religion/politics controversy to read.  So is my book:  Under God:  Religious Faith and Liberal Democracy (Cambridge University Press, 2003).

Eberle, in his book, ariculates and defends, for citizens of a liberal democracy like ours, an ideal:  "the ideal of conscientious engagement".  Eberle's argument in support of the ideal is directed both to secular liberals (many of whom think that citizens should not participate in politics on the basis of religious reasons at all; or, like Volokh's critic, they think that citizens should not do so in the absence adequate, motivating secular reasons), and to religious believers (many of whom think that they need not bother with secular reasons at all, unless they choose to do so as a matter of political strategy).  Here is Eberle's articulation of the ideal.  I hope that if you're interested in the religion/politics controversy, you'll make an effort to track down Eberle's book and read his elegant and compelling defense of the ideal.

[J]ustificatory liberals are correct that reflection on the norm of respect indicates constraints on the manner in which a citizen may support her favored coercive laws.  In fact, I believe that a citizen who adheres to the norm of respect will abide by at least six constraints on the reasons she employs in political decision making and advocay.

(1) She will pursue a high degree of rational justififation for the claim that a favored coercive policy is morally appropriate.

(2) She will withhold support from a given coercive policy is she can't acquire a sufficiently high degree of rational justification for the claim that that policy is morally appropriate.

(3) She will attempt to communicate to her compatriots her reasons for coercing them.

(4) She will pursue public justification for her favored coercive policies.

(5) She will listen to her compatriots' evaluation of her reasons for her favored coercive policies with the intention of learning from them about the moral (im)propriety of those policies.

(6) She will not support any policy on the basis of a rationale that denies the dignity of her compatriots.

Now, notice that the ideal of conscientious engagement does not forbid--because, as Eberle explains, the underlying norm of "respect" does not forbid--a citizen to rely on a "nonpublic" justification ... even if, after a good faith effort to do so, the citizen has failed to discern any public justification.  See Eberle's chapter 5:  "What Respect Does Not Require".

Got to run.

MUST READING ... FROM THIS WEEK'S COMMONWEAL

I am eager to learn how Richard Neuhaus and George Weigel respond to this important essay.  I have posted just the opening paragraphs of the essay below.  For the whole essay, click on this URL:

http://www.commonwealmagazine.org/article.php?id_article=1032

Commonweal, December 3, 2004

THE WAR IN IRAQ:

HOW CATHOLIC CONSERVATIVES GOT IT WRONG

Peter Dula

H. Richard Niebuhr once wrote that the first question of ethics is not “What should I do?” but “What is going on?” The Baghdad version of that principle might be, “What the hell is going on?” It is a question that comes to me when I wake up to a car bomb or fall asleep to the sound of mortar fire. I was asking it when a Kurdish colleague took me to see the memorial at Halabja, where Saddam gassed five thousand villagers. I asked it again last March when 223 Shi’a pilgrims died in Karbala. And again when, in the late afternoon of August 1, there were two loud thuds and the hotel shook and I saw the plumes of smoke rising over the buildings north of my balcony, buildings occupied by people I work with. I was asking it the next morning when I discovered that two more car bombs had exploded next to a Christian seminary, killing ten, leaving professors and students shaking and looking in vain for loved ones, and burnt car parts spotting the lawn.

Perhaps my confusion and fear were something like what Tolstoy’s Count Bezukhov was feeling in War and Peace when he surveyed the carnage at the battlefield of Borodino. I don’t know. Maybe it is more like the terror felt by a nine-year-old Iraqi friend who for weeks spent the nights crouched by her window, waiting for the U.S. soldiers to come again, heavy metal blasting from their Humvees, blowing up doors to drag her brothers from their beds and take them off to Abu Ghraib.

Bezukhov at Borodino is on my mind because it is the image that introduces an essay, “Moral Clarity in a Time of War,” published in January 2003, in what the mainstream media like to call “the obscure but influential” journal First Things. Of course, in the theological community, both Protestant and Catholic, First Things is hardly obscure. Its founder and editor in chief is Fr. Richard John Neuhaus, author of The Naked Public Square (1984) and dozens of other books. Neuhaus, a former Lutheran pastor, is a Catholic convert, a vigorous champion and personal friend of John Paul II, and a powerful figure in neoconservative circles. He moves easily within the increasingly pietistic Republican Party, and is even credited with helping to teach President George W. Bush how to “speak Catholic.”

“Moral Clarity in a Time of War” was written by Catholic theologian George Weigel, a member of the editorial board of First Things (along with fellow neoconservative Catholics Michael Novak and Mary Ann Glendon)-and perhaps best known for his biography of Pope John Paul II (Witness to Hope). Weigel’s essay declared that “the fog of war” must not be allowed to “suggest that warfare takes place beyond the reach of moral reason.” Weigel argued that the sort of preemptive war Bush was threatening against Iraq could be justified by traditional just-war standards. Those who thought otherwise were derided as milquetoasts or as unwilling to rise to the defense of freedom and democracy in a dangerous world.

War and Peace is full of examples of moral clarity about war. Sometimes it is a delirium-induced clarity that comes after the battle, but most often the clarity is in the run-up to war, precisely the sort of clarity Weigel provided in his essay, and that the First Things editors articulated in an earlier essay “In a Time of War” (December 2001). It was a clarity provided by arguably two of the most influential conservative Catholics in the United States, intellectuals who have the ear of influential American bishops and the Vatican. If they have been wrong, especially if they have been theologically wrong about the justice of this war, it should matter to those who share Weigel and Neuhaus’s belief that religion should play a major role in the public square.

Nothing is easier than moral clarity before a war. It is now, when any day in Baghdad can make one feel like Bezukhov at Borodino, that moral clarity is hard. Weigel, I presume, still believes what he wrote in January 2003: “the proper role of religious leaders and public intellectuals is to do everything possible to clarify the moral issues at stake in a time of war.” I agree. Weigel has spent much of his career doing just that. He has written on the role of the churches in the collapse of communism, and at great length on the just-war tradition in Tranquillitas Ordinis: The Present Failure and Future Promise of American Catholic Thought on War and Peace (1987). Like much of his writing, Tranquillitas Ordinis is highly polemical, alleging that liberal Catholic theologians and ethicists, under the influence of an “anti-anti-Communist” ideology and a naive pacifism, abandoned a proper understanding of the just-war tradition. Writing in Commonweal (“The Heritage Abandoned?” September 11, 1987), Peter Steinfels, an advocate of the just-war tradition, welcomed Weigel’s attempt to reinvigorate the Catholic debate about the moral necessity of using force. Steinfels also judged “disingenuous” Weigel’s claims to political disinterestedness. “The reader who approaches Tranquillitas Ordinis suspecting a strong political spin on its theological argument will not be mistaken,” he wrote. “Weigel is doing precisely what he accuses, with some justification, many peace activists of doing: using Catholic teaching to support specific prudential judgments that rest not on the teaching alone but on ‘political’ readings of fact and history.”

[End of excerpt.  Again:  Fore the whole essay, click on the URL above.]