Here is Mario Cuomo's L.A. Times op-ed, "Put a little faith in Roberts: Go ahead, ask him about his religious beliefs. As long as he puts the Constitution first, there should be no problem."
Well, not to be too flip, but there actually would be a problem -- wouldn't there be? -- if Roberts "put the Constitution first," ahead of his "religious beliefs". Cuomo's real point, of course, is this:
The question about Roberts' beliefs in effect asks whether he would impose his own personal test, religious or otherwise, on his reading of the Constitution: Would he say he might ignore his oath to support the Constitution if faced with an overriding personal belief?
Now, as Gov. Cuomo knows full well, there is zero chance that Judge Roberts will say -- or that Judge Roberts believes -- he should "impose his own personal [religious] test . . . on his reading of the Constitution." Presumably Gov. Cuomo -- as much as he frustrates me, I have no doubt that he is a decent man -- strongly believes that being a public official does not excuse acting wrongly (lying, cheating, stealing, etc.). So, why does Cuomo think the question should be asked? Payback, apparently. Here is Cuomo's opening:
FOR MORE THAN 20 years, some conservative clerics and politicians have bitterly criticized Catholic public officials for refusing to use their office to "correct" the law of the land. They demand that Catholic officials make political decisions reflecting their religious belief that abortion is tantamount to murder and work to overturn Roe vs. Wade and other laws that make abortion legal.
Most of the targeted officials have been Democrats such as Ted Kennedy, Gerry Ferraro and John Kerry. But now that Judge John G. Roberts Jr. — their candidate — has been nominated for the U.S. Supreme Court, the shoe is on the other political foot. Conservatives are outraged that another Catholic public official might be considered deserving of the same criticism. They demand that Roberts not be asked about personal beliefs, including religious ones, because it would amount to a "religious test" prohibited by the Constitution.
So, Cuomo -- like E.J. Dionne, in his own recent editorial piece -- contends that consistency somehow requires "conservative" Catholics not to object to questioning about Roberts's religion, becuase they have (he says) "bitterly criticized Catholic public officials for refusing to use their office to 'correct' the law of the land" and have "demand[ed] that Catholic officials make political decisions reflecting their religious belief that abortion is tantamount to murder[.]" Cuomo wants Roberts to be asked about religion, because he thinks it unfair that he (and Senator Kerry, and Mayor Rudy G., and Rep. Ferraro, etc.) were challenged by co-religionists.
I imagine it is comforting for Gov. Cuomo to imagine that he and Judge Roberts are similarly situated, and that his own support for abortion rights (and his opposition even to regulations of abortion that might be permissible under Roe and Casey) is not meaningfully distinguishable from, say, Justice Roberts's decision to vote in accord with the fact (and it is a fact) that the Constitution permits the death penalty, notwithstanding its immorality.
But the complaint of "conservatives" about politicians like Cuomo has not been -- at least, in my view, it should not have been -- that these politicians have not "ma[d]e political decisions reflecting their religious belief that abortion is tantamount to murder[.]" It has been that (a) they are making political decisions that do not provide the protection to unborn children that justice -- not "religious belief[]" -- requires and (b) that they have, for political expediency, embraced a reading of the Constitution that is mistaken. Roe v. Wade was wrongly decided, not because it conflicts with Catholic teaching, but because it cannot be squared with the Constitution's text, history, and structure.
It is also sad to hear Gov. Cuomo characterizing Catholics' opposition to abortion as reflecting nothing more than their "personal" "religious beliefs." After all, the Catholic claim is not that abortion's wrong-ness is revealed, or a mystery of the Faith. The Catholic claim that abortion is wrong -- which Gov. Cuomo refuses to support politically -- is not different from the Catholic claim that race discrimination is wrong. These are moral claims, yes -- and maybe all moral claims are, in a sense, "religious" -- but I assume Governor Cuomo has no objection to political actors trying to use their office to bring about a more just, moral society (e.g., the Civil Rights Act, the Social Security Act, etc.). The premise for Governor Cuomo's "I can't impose my personal religious beliefs on the Constitution" is, and has been for two decades, that the Constitution actually requires an near-unlimited abortion license. But, it doesn't. If we were talking about a conflict between religious belief and, say, the requirement that Representatives have attained the age of 25 years -- if we wondered whether Roberts's religion would compel him to require the seating of a 16 year old -- then the potential for that conflict might be worth exploring. But we are not.
Finally, the whole "would Justice Roberts put his oath to the Constitution above his faith?" question is misconceived, in my view. In an honest world, Roberts would say, "What a strange question. Of course the Faith comes first. No, I certainly would not, in exercising my office, culpably cooperate with evil. But there is nothing about my oath to uphold the Constitution, properly understood, in my capacity as an appellate judge, that is remotely likely to conflict with my moral obligations or religious commitments. The same cannot be said for you, though, Senator. After all, you are responsible for many of the laws that I am charged with interpreting."
Am I being unfair to Gov. Cuomo? Am I letting Roberts off too easy?
Rick
Friday, August 26, 2005
Given our ongoing discussion of Pat Robertson's bizarre behavior this week, it bears noting that he appears to be even less of a spokesperson for evangelicals than we might think, as he is no longer dependent on attracting or keeping viewers with his espoused take on the world. Christianity Today reports that:
Television and televangelism usually work through viewership. A show with few viewers won't stay on the air: On commercial television, no advertisers will buy space. In religious broadcasting, no donations will come in. But Robertson hasn't needed viewers for almost a decade. He has contractual obligations.
Many people have complained about the 700 Club to cable channel ABC Family, which airs it. But ABC Family has no choice. It is obligated under contract to air it. (The FCC may not be able to do anything, either)
In 1988, Robertson sold the Family Network to Fox for $1.9 billion. Not bad, when you consider the channel was originally launched in 1977 through the donations of viewers who had been promised a Christian alternative to "secular" television, then taken public in 1992. CBN got $136 million from the sale. Robertson's Regent University got another $148 million. Robertson personally received $19 million, and the rest went to the Robertson Charitable Remainder Trust, which will fund CBN after Robertson and his wife die.
But the money wasn't the biggest part of the deal: Fox Family was required to air The 700 Club three times a day—and, if Fox sold the network, the obligation to air The 700 Club had to be part of that deal, too.
Cable World reported in 2001 that Robertson turned down hundreds of millions of dollars to renegotiate. Largely due to frustration that the 700 Club had disrupted its programming, Fox sold the network to the Walt Disney Company in 2001 for $3 billion and $2.3 billion in debt. Now ABC Family is obligated to air the program three times a day.
Hopefully reality will give folks pause before they attribute Robertson's "leadership" to the desires and inclinations of evangelicals (much less Christians more broadly).
Rob
Jonathan Watson offers another consideration to Steve's analysis of just war theory as applied to the assassination of Hugo Chavez:
although the just war analysis on assassination of Chavez looks at him as a confluence of two people (individual and leader), the proportionality idea needs an additional thought. My consideration is of him as a leader in a position of power. Whenever the leader of a country dies while in office, there is naturally a time of confusion while the power vacuum is filled. When the transition is planned for, such as is the case in the United States, where we have ready successors and electors to fill the gap if necessary, that time of confusion is short and tends toward the orderly. However, when the electoral are questionable, the leader holds power either through Machiavellian or other power politics, or succession is unplanned and unexpected, chaos could result. In my (short) experience, such chaos often results in the deaths of innocents, as well as economic depression. This should be taken into account in any just war discussion on assassination.
Jonathan also has three more entries for our Catholic legal theory book list:
Christopher Lasch, The True and Only Heaven: Progress and Its Critics
Christopher Lasch, The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in an Age of Diminishing Expectations
Gratian, The Decretum, Treatise on Law
Rob
My colleague, Gerard Bradley -- who is, among other things, the director of Notre Dame's Natural Law Institute and co-editor (with John Finnis) of the American Journal of Jurisprudence -- is to be honored at this year's Annual Convention of the Fellowship of Catholic Scholars with the Cardinal Wright Award. Gerry is a great friend, colleague, scholar, and citizen, and the award is richly deserved.
Rick
I just received a copy of Professor Scott Pryor and Glenn Hoshauer's article, Puritan Revolution and the Law of Contracts, published as part of a symposium on the 150th anniversary of Hadley v. Baxendale, 11 Texas Wesleyan Law Review 291 (2005).
I haven't yet read the article but thought I would share with you part of the abstract: "Most legal historians have ignored the impact of the Protestant Reformation and the rise of Puritianism on the development of the common law. ... The Authors conclude that Puritan theology was irrelevant to assumpit and consideration ... [T]he Puritan emphasis on discipline - personal, social, and ecclesiastical - [however] represents an independent source of inluence on the development of the common law of contracts. The disciplined life grew in cultural significance with the Reformation and the subsequent process of confessionalization. ..."
OU law grad and self-described member of the "Rick Garnett fan club," Jason Reese, suggests reading Joseph de Maistre, especially On Sovereignty.