Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Friday, February 10, 2006

Noll Crosses the Tiber (to South Bend, anyway)

The fact that the most prominent member of Wheaton College's faculty is leaving for an institution that in previous generations was the object of evangelicals' scorn as the intellectual headquarters of American Catholics adds a bit of irony to the Hochschild controversy.  My past criticism of Wheaton is not grounded in any desire for the school to disregard or minimize the centrality of its mission in faculty hiring, but simply to recognize that the presence of a professor who is devoted to following Christ and is Catholic does not pose a serious threat to the continued viability of that mission.  Professor Noll, I would guess, would not view his departure to Notre Dame as an abdication of the calling that kept him at Wheaton for so many years.  The venue changes, as do particular priorities and opportunities in terms of scholarship, teaching, mentoring, etc.  But the foundational academic mission of bringing Christ's light to the world of ideas remains, even in South Bend.

Rob 

Thursday, February 9, 2006

Mark Noll moving to Notre Dame

Christianity Today is reporting that one of America's leading evangelical scholars, historian Mark Noll ("The Scandal of the Evangelical Mind," etc.), is moving from Wheaton to Notre Dame.

The Catholic Information Service for Africa: An Invaluable Catholic Resource

Many of the participants and readers of the Mirror of Justice may be well aware of the invaluable Catholic Information Service for Africa (CISA), but for those (like me until recently) who are not, let me highlight this Kenyan-based source of news about the African continent. At least twice each week the CISA provides a list of news stories about Africa – ranging from the ongoing genocide in Darfur to the recent peaceful transition of power in Liberia – with a special focus on the activities of the Catholic Church and on events that have a Catholic or faith-based perspective. (And for research purposes, the CISA maintains extraordinarily extensive news archives as well.)

The CISA was founded by Catholic congregations looking to network together as the local Church in Africa and to link with the Universal Church. The mission statement explains: “The Catholic Information Service for Africa (CISA) wants to provide its audience with news about the Church from an African perspective, be at the service of the local Church and open to the world.”

Not only does the CISA provide a continual and reliable source of news about developments throughout Africa, which of course is its greatest treasure, but the CISA also is an excellent resource on Vatican and Catholic developments generally. I’m sure that many of our participants and readers regularly consult various internet sites for news about the Vatican. Let me encourage you to start your news briefings with the CISA, which will connect you not only with the news from Rome but allow you to remain better informed about the precious continent that is the birthplace of the human race and, in my view, likely to be central to the future of our common faith. You can access the CISA news service through this link.

Greg Sisk

Marriage and the Genus of Illicit Sex

In an article appearing in the newest issue of the Yale Law Journal, Ariela Dubler portrays Lawrence as the culmination of a key historical development.  Here is the conclusion:

In Lawrence v. Texas the Supreme Court situates its opinion within a particular historical narrative: the history of the enactment and repudiation of laws banning sodomy. Lawrence, however, is part of another body of legal history as well. It is part of the history of attempts by federal lawmakers and judges to define the respective genera of licit and illicit sex. Viewed from this perspective, Lawrence marks the latest intervention in a legal conversation that began when Congress enacted the 1907 Immigration Act and the 1910 Mann Act, each of which prohibited the movement of women across borders for “immoral purposes.” Situating the case in this context makes sense of the role played by marriage in all three of the major opinions in Lawrence—a case in which no party made any legal claim to marriage, but Justices Kennedy, O’Connor, and Scalia all understood marriage to be implicated. The Lawrence Court, like the legislators and judges who crafted and interpreted the “immoral purpose” provisions, uses marriage to police the line between illicit and licit sex.

One hundred years ago, however, lawmakers and judges constructed an isomorphic relationship between marriage/nonmarriage and licit sex/illicit sex. The “marriage cure” transported sex across the illicit-licit divide. Lawrence marks the final repudiation of this logic: The Court moved a sexual relationship from the genus of illicit sex into the genus of licit sex noting precisely that the relationship made no claim to marriage. As was the case historically, this judicial move reflects the persistent status of marriage in the American sociolegal order as a legal institution understood to be simultaneously tremendously powerful and powerless. Marriage is at once powerful to confer legal privileges and to shield people from the dangers of sexual illicitness, and powerless to protect itself from the taint of those very practices.

Rob

The culture of little girls: from Barbie to Bratz

I'm not sure how this advances the Catholic legal theory project, but there is a cultural milestone that cannot go unnoticed (at least by the father of three young girls).  I am no fan of Barbie and the messages she pushes on girls.  But I would gladly buy 100 Barbies before buying a single "Bratz" doll, which can be best described as resembling a Goth-inspired prostitute.  I now learn that over this past holiday season, Bratz overtook Barbie as the top-selling doll.  If toys are a window to the culture, we should be concerned.

Rob

UPDATE: Perhaps the prostitute image is the one constant in our nation's doll preferences, and Bratz dolls have simply updated that image.  My colleague Elizabeth Brown informs me that:

Barbie is a ripoff of a German doll named Lilli, who was, in fact, a prostitute.  Barbie was created by Ruth Handler for her daughter Barbara.  Ruth and Barbara took a trip to Europe and Ruth bought a German doll named Lilli for Barbara.  Lilli was based on the character of a prostitute in a comic strip drawn by Reinhard Beuthin for die Bild Zietung.  The first Lilli dolls were sold in Germany in 1955.  The Lilli dolls were marketed to adult men in bars and tobacco shops, not to children.  MG Lord, in her Forever Barbie: The Unauthorized Biography of a Real Doll, characterized the Lilli doll as a "gag gift for men, a pornographic character."

Religion Scholars Challenge Patriot Act

Sightings  2/9/06

Religion Scholars Challenge Patriot Act
-- W. Clark Gilpin

On Wednesday, January 25, the American Academy of Religion (AAR), the world's largest association of scholars of religion, joined a lawsuit that challenges a key provision of the USA Patriot Act.  Citing the 2004 revocation of a travel visa for noted Swiss scholar of Islam Tariq Ramadan, the suit contends that an "ideological exclusion" provision of the Patriot Act is being used to impede the free circulation of scholars and scholarly debate that are integral to academic freedom.  Commenting on the suit, AAR Executive Director Barbara DeConcini stated that "preventing foreign scholars like Professor Ramadan from visiting the U.S. limits not only the ability of scholars here to enhance their own knowledge, but also their ability to inform students, journalists, public policy makers, and other members of the public who rely on scholars' work to acquire a better understanding of critical current issues involving religion."

The American Civil Liberties Union filed the suit on behalf of the AAR and two other major associations of scholars and writers: the American Association of University Professors (AAUP) and PEN American Center.  As quoted in the suit, the Patriot Act includes among the persons ineligible to receive visas those who have used their "position of prominence within any country to endorse or espouse terrorist activity, or to persuade others to support terrorist activity or a terrorist organization, in a way that the Secretary of State has determined undermines United States efforts to reduce or eliminate terrorist activities."

The plaintiffs contend not only that Professor Ramadan has been a consistent critic of terrorism but also that the ideological exclusion provision of the Patriot Act violates their own First Amendment rights to hear a full range of ideas.  A press release from the AAUP quoted the reaction of its general secretary, Roger Bowen: "Fearing another's ideas enough to prohibit their expression is perplexing to scholars and troubling to citizens .....  The freedom to teach and the freedom to learn are protected freedoms in this nation and the AAUP and its co-plaintiffs must insist that these two freedoms be respected.  Now is the time when we should be listening to and learning from Muslim scholars, not trying to silence them."

The specific case of Tariq Ramadan came to the attention of American scholars of religion most forcefully in 2004, when he was offered a tenured faculty position as the Henry R. Luce Professor at the University of Notre Dame's Joan B. Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies.  Although Ramadan was initially granted a visa in order to accept the faculty post, this visa was suddenly revoked only days before he and his family were to move to Indiana.  Neither he nor the University of Notre Dame received any written explanation of this reversal, and, subsequently, Ramadan has been denied visas to speak at the professional conventions of the AAR and other scholarly organizations in the United States.  Ramadan's many writings have focused on the relations of Islam to the West and to modernity, most recently in his book Western Muslims and the Future of Islam.

The study of religion is necessarily international in scope and actively engages scholars from other cultures and nations.  At a moment in history when religion is perceived to have exceptionally volatile connections to international politics, it is not surprising that the scholarly exchange of ideas about religion may include political views the government disfavors.  It is, however, precisely in such volatile circumstances that sustaining free academic deliberation about the relations among religion, culture, and politics becomes imperative.

W. Clark Gilpin is Margaret E. Burton Professor of the History of Christianity and Theology at the University of Chicago Divinity School.
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Sightings comes from the Martin Marty Center at the University of Chicago Divinity School.

Wednesday, February 8, 2006

Religion and eminent domain: A Twist

Several bloggers and commentators have warned that, after the Court's decision in Kelo, we can expect local governments to regard churches in declining neighborhoods as attractive targets for redevelopment-takings.  Professor Friedman has posted about an interesting case that comes at the religion-and-eminent-domain problem from another angle:

Eminent Domain Taking Violates Establishment Clause

The Commonwealth Court of Pennsylvania issued an interesting First Amendment decision yesterday in a case captioned Re: 1839 North Eighth Street, (Feb. 6, 2006). In a 4-3 decision, the court held that the Philadelphia Redevelopment Authority violated the Establishment Clause when it used the power of eminent domain to condemn property in a blighted area of the city and turn it over to the Hope Partnership, a private religious organization, for it to use as a school. The majority found that the taking of property for religious use violated all three prongs of the Lemon test. The dissent argued, on the other hand, that the majority’s approach amounted to viewpoint discrimination against religious groups. The AP has a report on the decision.

Why, I wonder, shouldn't the development of a religious school -- which, I assume, could accept voucher-receiving students, consistent with the Establishment Clause -- that will educate (and educate well) low-income kids, thus increasing their opportunities and (I assume) productivity, be a "public use" if a Wal-Mart or a tech-center is a "public use"?

Cartoons and Violence: "Is that all, Folks?"

Patrick and Rick directly on this site and Steve indirectly have raised an important and relevant question about the Holy See’s recent, unsigned statement concerning the publication of cartoons in European media that has enraged members of the Islamic world. I am an insignificant voice in these matters, but I have tried to study carefully, objectively, and truthfully how the Holy See conducts itself in the manner that it does in the international order. What I say has no official voice; rather, it is simply the collected observations of a student of these matters. Still, the little I have gathered in my studies may be beneficial to those who read MOJ and to those who contribute to it.

A starting point is the need to remember that presently the Holy See has diplomatic relations with 174 countries in the world, including the US, members of the European Union, many Arab or Moslem countries, and others. Absent from this list are the People’s Republic of China and Saudi Arabia. One can argue the merits of diplomatic relations, but they are a fact of life. It is sometimes said that diplomats—like lawyers—do not receive high marks in the public’s estimation. Regardless of one’s take on diplomats, they often provide the last opportunity for using reasoned discourse rather than force to resolve the problems of the world. An illustration follows: not all that long ago at the UN—a place where the tensions of the world are often evident, the US and the Islamic Republic of Iran were not speaking to one another at all. Even their harsh exchanges no longer took place. A delegate of the Holy See happened to be in the vicinity of an American diplomat and an Iranian diplomat who were not talking to one another. He introduced a topic of conversation that attracted the attention of these two diplomats. Then they were drawn into a conversation with one another. Did the conversation lead to improved relations? That I cannot answer. But this seems certain: a small door was opened a crack, a door that had been previously sealed from both sides. Did the world become a better or safer place because this conversation took place? Josef Stalin was correct: the Pope has no divisions of military power. He does, through his diplomatic service, have a small group of professional diplomats whose job it is to use moral argument and reasoned discourse to make the world a better place for all, including the Catholic community.

Let me add a few observations about this last point. In the US we do not have much evidence that the Catholic community is persecuted today as it was in the past. As Rick’s link to the Jody Bottum’s article points out, it has not disappeared entirely. Indeed, in the last few years the tone of anger and criticism has increased by members of the Church and those outside of it including influential elements of the mass media. With the exception of the one priest in Baltimore who was shot by an abuse victim several years ago, no one is yet taking deadly aim at Catholics in the US as best I can tell. But this is not the situation in other parts of the world. Clerics, men and women religious, and many laity have been physically targeted, sometimes with deadly force. Why? Because of their faith. The Holy See’s diplomatic service is well aware of this and, in its typically discreet way, tries to alleviate matters in dangerous, hostile environments. Sometimes this careful and prudential activity has led to the death of papal diplomats as the assassination of Archbishop Michael Courtney, the then papal nuncio in Burundi, demonstrated just a little over a couple of years ago. Early this week a Jesuit priest was assassinated in the same country. Last week another priest was assassinated in Turkey. In sub-Continent countries, Catholics—lay and clerics alike—have suffered harassment, torture, threats of death and death itself, and the reason for this is simple: they are Catholic. In these environments strong diplomatic rebukes uttering outrage and indignation may help but outright condemnations can increase the suffering and intensify dangers rather than curb hostility and bring calm. The papal diplomatic corps found this to be the case in Europe during the 1930s and early 1940s. One’s words must be carefully crafted because good intentions do not always ensure the desired results in this far-from-perfect world of human relations. Put simply, the mission of papal diplomacy in these contexts is simple: try to do good, and avoid evil, to borrow from Thomas Aquinas. The opportunity for criticism for pursuing this task can be manifold.

But these observations need to continue a bit more. Catholic Legal Theory begins to emerge, assuming that the rule of law has a place in CLT—and I believe it does. Papal diplomacy has upheld the need of juridical instruments and institutions to further good and to forestall evil in the world. Why? Sometimes a piece of paper does not mean much to a tyrant, but it means a great deal to the Church because it is the basis for demonstrating to the rest of the world that someone has a protection which someone else has threatened. Back in 1933 Eugenio Pacelli concluded a concordat with the nascent National Socialist regime in Germany. The future pope was criticized by many for concluding an agreement with Hitler, but as lawyers, we might reflect a bit more on this concordat with Germany. Concordats are designed to protect Catholic interests in a country. When you think about it, there is no need for a concordat if the country in question respects the Church and the People of God within its territory. But if it does not, a concordat is the basis to show that the Church and God’s people have legitimate interests, and if they are violated the rule of law can help right the wrong. Cardinal Faulhaber, the Archbishop of Munich who was no friend of the Nazis, realized that Hitler wanted an agreement with the Holy See for his own propaganda purposes. That is why the Cardinal said that the Church would be hanged with this agreement; but he hastened to add: without the concordat, the Church would be hanged, drawn and quartered. Hitler may have benefited from some propaganda, but the Church, which still suffered, could point to Hitler’s infractions and his lack of good faith. If nothing else, the Church had the law on its side, and Hitler did not.

A final observation needs to be made in this posting. Papal diplomacy, while usually mindful of the local consequences of its actions, typically realizes that what it does in one area of the world will sooner or later have implications elsewhere. This is a reality of the world in which we live. To some, it may seem that there should have been far more criticism by the Church of the acts of violence and none concerning the publication of some satirical images. And that is all, but is that really all? I just spoke of an historic concordat, but today the Church continues to pursue them to protect the right of the local Church in specific countries. Recently, the Holy See has concluded several concordats with a number of European countries. These agreements contain a “protection of the right of conscience and religious beliefs” clause. These provisions are designed to protect Catholics, who out of conscience and religious belief, who might be pressured into doing some act that violates their conscience and belief. Many European States, in the exercise of their sovereignty (an exercise of subsidiarity?) have agreed to these provisions, and they are now a part of these treaties. Sadly, elements within the European Union, which have agendas to further “reproductive health rights” and universal access to “reproductive health services” (just to mention a few items), have begun to question the “legitimacy” of these concordat provisions protecting conscience and religious belief. That is strange because the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights acknowledge these rights of Catholics and everyone else. But, the very recent published Opinion of the Network of Independent Experts of the EU does not appear to agree with this assertion.

Like the rest of us, papal diplomats are human beings trying to do the right thing. Sometimes they succeed, but other times, they do not. For those who may be skeptical of them and their activities, we need to remember this: they are the ones who are asked to keep one eye on what they see nearby but the other eye must scan the distant horizons across the world. Why, because God’s Church and His people are everywhere, and it is this Church and these people that the diplomats have been called to serve. If their unsigned statements are disappointing to any of us, we might pause to think about what these words might mean to our sisters and brothers on distant shores. They may only be words, but words can mean a lot in a world where the rule of law is relevant.   RJA sj

Evangelicals Find Their Voice

I've often criticized evangelicals' political priorities as being largely indistinguishable from the GOP platform.  (And to be fair, many mainline denominations' priorities are curiously coextensive with the Dems' platform.)  At least on the issue of global warming, that may be changing.  Even aside from the substance of the global warming debate, we should welcome this development if it proves to be a harbinger of evangelicals' rediscovery of their prophetic role in American politics.

Rob

Tuesday, February 7, 2006

Conference on Deus caritas est

Anyone in the Philadelphia area on April 7 may want to stop by a mini-conference we will be holding at Villanova on Deus caritas est. Cosponsored by our law school with other university departments, the interdisciplinary conference will be from 2-4 pm on April 7 in the Connelly Center. Speakers will all be Villanova faculty, and will include MOJer Patrick Brennan as well as Jeanne Heffernan, a Catholic political theorist whom many of our readers may know.

-- Mark