Here's the schedule for the June Conference on Catholic Legal Thought to be hosted this year by the University of St. Thomas, in Minneapolis. Highlights:
Wednesday, June 13, 2007: Introductory Day on Catholic Social Thought, Through the Lens of the Ethics of Economic Life, by Daniel Finn, Dept of Economics & Department of Theology, St. John's University, Collegeville, MN
Thursday, June 14, 2007
Roundtable: Tensions in Arguments from Scientific and Theological Bases in Development of CLT Related to “Life” Issues – Stem Cell Research, Assisted Reproduction, Abortion, Contraception (Teresa S. Collett, University of St. Thomas School of Law; Sr. Marie Paul Lockerd, M.D., Religious Sisters of Mercy; O. Carter Snead, Notre Dame Law School; Paul J. Wojda, Unversity of St. Thomas Dept. of Theology, Catholic Studies Program; Moderator: Amy Uelmen, Fordham University)
Workshopping Book Project: "To Bind Up the Nation’s Wounds: Rekindling the Spirit of Our Living Constitution," Michael Scaperlanda, University of Oklahoma College of Law
Spiritual Reflection Susan Stabile, St. John’s University School of Law
Friday, June 15, 2007
The challenges modern legal theories pose to traditional Catholic understanding of the law William T. Cavanaugh, University of St. Thomas Theology Dept.
Discussion of Chapter 1 (“The Myth of the State as Saviour”) of Cavanaugh’s Theopolitical Imagination Respondents: Patrick M. Brennan, Villanova University School of Law & Kevin P. Lee, Campbell University School of Law
Relating the encyclical Quas Primas to the ordering of the business world (Dennis Q. McInerny, Our Lady of Guadalupe Seminary; Brian M. McCall, University of Oklahoma College of Law; Lyman P. Johnson, Washington & Lee School of Law)
Field Trip to Loome Theological Booksellers, "the World’s Largest Used Theological Bookstore," in Stillwater, MN
Over at First Things, Michael Novak sees a gap in the worldview of "left wing" professors on Catholic campuses:
More and more often on Catholic campuses, left-wing Catholics are hiding their own ideological preferences behind the mantra “Catholic social thought.” To listen to them, you would think that the Catholic social ethic has four main emphatic tenets and five great silences. The four emphases are: (1) pacifism and nonviolence; (2) legal limits on the income of the rich; (3) the extension of the social welfare state for the poorest 12 percent of the American population (about forty million people), until all are lifted by government grants above the poverty line; and (4) the elimination of the death penalty in the thirty-some states that still allow it.
Merely on the terrain of social ethics, this creed is notable for (a) its silence about ending abortion (forty-eight million since 1973); (b) its silence about federal funding for embryonic stem cell research and cloning; (c) its silence about the fourfold increase in violent crime since 1965—committed disproportionately against the poor; (d) its silence about the sixfold increase in father-abandoned families (chiefly among the poor); and (e) its silence about the horrific oppression of Muslim peoples around the world, including the daily assaults on their dignity by secret police, and the normal, regular abuse of their individual rights. We might call these the five silences.
This criticism is a two-way street, methinks. Speaking of notable silences, how many articles in First Things have focused on poverty?
Here's a link to a forthcoming paper of mine -- part of a Journal of Law and Religion volume dedicated to the work of my colleague, Bob Rodes -- called "Pluralism, Dialogue, and Freedom: Professor Robert Rodes and the Church-State Nexus." The abstract:
The idea of church-state “separation” and the image of a “wall” are at the heart of nearly every citizen's and commentator's thinking about law and religion, and about faith and public life. Unfortunately, the inapt image often causes great confusion about the important idea. What should be regarded as an important feature of religious freedom under constitutionally limited government too often serves simply as a slogan, and is too often employed as a rallying cry, not for the distinctiveness and independence of religious institutions, but for the marginalization and privatization of religious faith.
How, then, should we understand church-state “separation”? What is the connection between separation, well understood, and religious freedom? What is the place, or role, of religious faith, believers, and institutions in the political community governed by our Constitution? With respect to these and so many other interesting and important questions, the work of Professor Robert Rodes has been and remains a help, a challenge, and an inspiration.
This essay is an appreciation, interpretation, and application of Professor Rodes's church-state work. In particular, it contrasts the church-state “nexus” that he has explored and explained with Jefferson's misleading but influential “wall” metaphor. After identifying and discussing a few of the more salient features of this “nexus,” it closes with some thoughts about how the leading themes in Rodes's law-and-religion writing can help us better understand and negotiate one of today's most pressing religious freedom problems.
Thoughts and comments welcome!
In the coffee shop this morning, I was struck by the below-the-fold "here's what's inside" box on the front page of the New York Times. Right next to each other were the two abortion-related stories, which have already been mentioned, i.e., the report on the Pope's "remarks against abortion" and the one on Giuliani's (obviously poll-tested) decision to go ahead and "support abortion rights." I was also struck by this observation, at the end of the Giuliani piece, from Rich Lowry of National Review:
Rich Lowry, editor of National Review, the conservative magazine, said, “You can’t win as a pro-choicer who is going to deliberately set on challenging the party’s orthodoxy on the issue.”
“It doesn’t have to take him down,” Mr. Lowry said of Mr. Giuliani and the abortion issue, “but if he continues to mishandle it, it’s going to be a real problem for him. One of the big ironies for him is he doesn’t care about abortion.”
I wonder what that means, i.e., "he doesn't care about abortion"? Doesn't care?