Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Tuesday, January 5, 2016

A Washington Post piece on SSM, religious freedom, and the ministerial exception

This recent piece, by Michelle Boorstein, might be of interest.  Prof. Doug Laycock (among others) is quoted as saying:

“For the Church, they are employing this guy who flouts their teachings. His presence on the payroll undermines what the school is trying to teach the kids and what the Church is trying to preserve among the adults,” Doug Laycock, a University of Virginia law professor who specializes in religious freedom, wrote in an email.  “These battles over religious doctrine should be fought out within churches, not in the secular courts.”

Unfortunately, the piece consistently frames the issue as involving a conflict between "conservative" religious groups and the antidiscrimination norm.  This framing is common, and rhetorically powerful, even if not entirely accurate.  

Michael Sean Winters has a long blog post about the article, and the larger issue, here.  And, he provides a link to Cardinal Wuerl's statement, which is here.   Among other things, Cardinal Wuerl says that "the Church . . . enjoys freedom of religion to decide who will carry out Catholic ministry. This includes the right to determine when conduct is otherwise adverse to the Church’s ability to fully pursue its mission and interests."  He's right.

I agree with Winters that the Church should not "go looking for a fight" with respect to these matters.  However, I think it needs to be said that (a) others are "looking for a fight" -- that is, there are highly motivated litigants and well-funded activists for whom it is important to use litigation and administrative complaints precisely in order to undercut the religious freedom of the Church's institutions -- and it is naive and hazardous to imagine otherwise and (b) it is not such a bad idea as Winters suggests for Church leaders to listen to the lawyers when it comes to writing contracts, manuals, policies, etc., that will help to protect not merely the Church's legal rights (as Winters suggests, the Church can and should do better than simply standing on her rights) but the Church's religious freedom.  The "case-by-case" approach that Winters endorses has a lot to commend it but, at the same time, it can create legal difficulties in those cases where the Church has to insist on hiring-for-mission.

"Against Parental Rights"

Samantha Godwin has posted on SSRN this article, "Against Parental Rights":

This article advances an interpretive account of parental rights and builds a normative case against them. This normative account considers how parental rights function in existing constitutional and family law, and assesses theoretical arguments that seek to justify them.

This article begins by describing the most common, child-centered justification for parental rights: that parents are empowered in order to protect children’s best interests. I argue that these child-centered accounts do not justify the current legal regime governing parental rights. Instead, current parental rights are better understood as quasi-property interests, residual from historical traditions where children were more explicitly regarded as their parents’ property.

The middle part of this article advances the thesis that the quasi-property functioning of parental rights is not a contingent feature of American law of parents and children. It is instead characteristic of granting parents separate autonomy interests in determining the path of their children’s lives. Parental autonomy rights displace and diminish consideration for children’s interests and objectify children. This article introduces the concept of “desire-contingent goods” and argues that parental autonomy rights are paradigmatically the right to choose desire contingent goods for children regardless of whether they are desired or not. This denies the equal importance of children’s desires, subjective experiences and perspectives on their own lives. As a consequence, basic doctrines in constitutional and family law cannot be reconciled with liberal and egalitarian commitments.

The second half of this article evaluates alternative theoretical justifications for parental rights. These include constitutional and philosophical arguments based on personal liberty and family privacy, as well as philosophical arguments based on relational rights, ethics of care, and the Lockean labor theory of value. These arguments all fall short and, in crucial ways, rely on denying children equal moral consideration. The article concludes with recommendations for legal reform.

If only to "stay sharp" and clear-eyed, read this piece -- especially the "recommendations for legal reform."  Here's a bit from the conclusion:

An essential part of long-term reform of American family law should include eroding and ultimately overruling existing case law holding that parents have a constitutionally protected substantive due process right to the custody and control of their children.

For some different views, check out our own Michael Scaperlanda's "Producing Trousered Apes" (here) or my own "Taking Pierce Seriously" (here).

Friday, January 1, 2016

An open letter to Hon. Alfred E. Smith (1927)

The Atlantic re-ran Charles C. Marshall's striking "Open Letter" -- written to express the author's concerns about Smith's Catholicism and its implications for his presidential campaign -- to Al Smith.  (Here is Smith's response.)  As a general matter, but particularly in the current situation, it's well worth a (re)read.  Here are a few excerpts:

. . . The Roman Catholic Church, of course, makes no claim, and never has made any claim, to jurisdiction over matters that in her opinion are solely secular and civil. She makes the claim obviously only when the matter in question is not, in her opinion, solely secular and civil. But as determination of jurisdiction, in a conflict with the State, rests solely in her sovereign discretion, no argument is needed to show that she may in theory and effect annihilate the rights of all who are not Roman Catholics, sweeping into the jurisdiction of a single religious society the most important interests of human well-being. The education of youth, the institution of marriage, the international relations of the State, and its domestic peace, as we shall proceed to show, are, in certain exigencies, wrested from the jurisdiction of the State, in which all citizens share, and confided to the jurisdiction of a single religious society in which all citizens cannot share, great numbers being excluded by the barriers of religious belief. Do you, sir, regard such claims as tolerable in a republic that calls itself free? . . .

. . . At the present time no question assumes greater importance than the education of youth. The legislature of Tennessee, of Oregon, and of Nebraska have of late laid impious hands upon it and the judiciary has sternly curbed them. From what has been said above, it is clear that the claims of the Roman Catholic Church touch this point; more than those of any other institution, may conflict with the authority of the State.

It is true that in the famous Oregon School cases the Supreme Court of the United States held a state law unconstitutional that forbade parents to educate their children at church schools of every denomination. But there was no assertion in the law that the church schools in question gave instruction inconsistent with the peace and safety of the State and there was no allegation of that tenor in the pleadings. On the record the church schools were void of offense. But, had that feature existed in the cases, it would necessarily have led to a reversal of the decision. There would have been conflict between Church and State as to whether the instruction was consistent with the peace and safety of the State. The Roman Catholic Church, if true to her doctrine, would have had to assert excusive jurisdiction over the determination of this point. Equally the State, in self-preservation, would have had to assert exclusive jurisdiction. The conflict would have been irreconcilable. What would have been the result and what the test of a sincere and conscientious Roman Catholic in executive office on the bench? . . .

 

The Solemnity of Mary, Mother of God

Mary image

Happy New Year! And, a conversation with Leon Kass

During the course of some recent long, long family-vacation drives, I had the chance to listen to some more of Bill Kristol's "Conversations", including the one with Leon Kass.  It was -- regardless of whether or not one agrees with Kristol on politics, etc. -- wonderful. Here is the transcript.  Most of the discussion focused on Kass's teaching and writing on the Hebrew Bible, especially the Book of Genesis.  Kass was insightful, and even inspiring, in his remarks.  MOJ readers might be particularly interested in what he had to say -- and in what he suggests Genesis tells us about moral anthropology, equality, and the ground of human dignity.  

Friday, December 18, 2015

A contribution to the SCOTUSblog symposium on the Little Sisters case

The good folks over at SCOTUSblog are hosting a symposium on the Little Sisters case, this term's religious-freedom challenge in the Supreme Court to the contraception-coverage mandate. Here is my contribution, "Integrity, Mission, and the Little Sisters of the Poor."  A bit:

. . . What the Little Sisters and the other religious non-profits have done is simply invoked the protection of a near-unanimously enacted federal statute that reflects the longstanding values of our own (and any decent) political community and the foundations of human-rights law. The administration’s response, the Supreme Court’s response, and our response should not be resentment or disdain but a genuine willingness to ask, “well, why not?” We should spend less time interrogating, second-guessing, or criticizing as impertinent their assertion of religious-freedom rights and more time considering, in an open-minded way, whether it is possible – perhaps with a bit of effort and flexibility – to accommodate them.

Some religious employers, of course, have been accommodated by the administration. Religious houses of worship, and some affiliated institutions, have been exempted from the contraception-coverage mandate. The Little Sisters, however – like many religious hospitals, schools, universities, and social-welfare agencies – are engaged in the world. They heal, teach, serve, and employ some who do not share their religious faith, but theirs is nevertheless a religious mission. They aspire to carry out this mission, just as many of us aspire to live our lives, with integrity and character. The preventive-services mandate, they say, thwarts this aspiration by changing – indeed, by hijacking – their relationships with their employees.  

This claim about the character-distorting and integrity-undermining nature of the mandate – including the limited “accommodation” that the administration has provided – should not be difficult to understand. . . . 

Check out also the other posts from (so far!) Erin Hawley, Chip Lupu, Bob Tuttle, Leslie Griffin, Helen Alvare, Marcia Greenberger, John Bursch, Fred Gedicks, and Lyle Denniston. 

Thursday, December 17, 2015

Carl Esbeck on a North Carolina case involving religious accommodations after Obergefell

Here's a guest-post from Prof. Carl Esbeck, a law-and-religion expert and the R.B. Price Professor of Law Emeritus at the University of Missouri:

North Carolina suit challenges constitutionality of religious exemption for conscientious objectors

By Carl H. Esbeck

     On December 9th six state taxpayers in North Carolina filed a lawsuit in federal district court challenging the constitutionality of state legislation enacted to bring relief to magistrates and county clerks in the wake of Obergefell v. Hodges. When the North Carolina Administrative Office of the Courts ruled that magistrates could not avoid conducting a same-sex marriage by declining to officiate at any and all marriages, there were at least 32 resignations with the explanation that the magistrates’ religious beliefs did not permit them to perform same-sex marriages. The legislature responded with the passage of Senate Bill 2, permitting magistrates to decline for reasons of faith to solemnize any marriage, as well as to ensure that same-sex couples have a ready alternate who will perform the civil ceremony. The statutory accommodation extends to assistant and deputy clerks who have duties that entail the issuance of marriage licenses.

     Senate Bill 2 further allows for reinstatement of those magistrates that had resigned, and to do so without any loss of employment benefits due to their break in service. It is the latter expenditure of tax funds, along with any added costs in providing an alternate judicial official to perform a marriage ceremony, which presumably gives rise to plaintiffs’ claimed taxpayer standing.

     The Complaint [Download North Carolina complaint] is oddly composed. Early on, and with rising indignation, the pleading avers that after Obergefell obedience to a magistrate’s oath of office, entailing—as judicial oaths routinely do—upholding of the state and federal constitutions, requires that a magistrate marry same-sex couples. But Obergefell held that same-sex couples have the same right to marry as is enjoyed by opposite-sex couples, not that the couple has a right to be married by a particular person or government official. Moreover, the putative violation of a state judicial oath is a state law matter. Any duties thought to be attendant to a state oath can be modified by the North Carolina legislature, and that’s just what happened with the passage of Senate Bill 2. In any event, such state law issues should be of no concern to a federal court not sitting in diversity.

     Getting to the merits will require that the plaintiffs first establish federal subject matter jurisdiction, which is here based on taxpayer standing, a jurisdictional claim much diminished from its Golden Age under Flast v. Cohen (1968). Even in the heady days of Flast, taxpayer standing was never permitted except to entertain a claim under the Establishment Clause. With the Supreme Court’s most recent pronouncement in Arizona Christian Sch. Tuition Org. v. Winn (2011), taxpayer standing is available only to challenge the expenditure of tax monies that were first “extracted” from, among others, plaintiff-taxpayers, and paid into the state treasury from which the legislature is now said to be “spending” money alleged to be in “aid of religion.”

     The twenty-page Complaint finally gets serious about stating a federal question on page 14 by proceeding to set out three counts, each claiming that Senate Bill 2 undermines Obergefell. The first count alleges that the exemption for conscientious objectors violates the Establishment Clause. However, in an unbroken line of six cases the U.S. Supreme Court has without exception rejected the claim that a religious exemption to a generally applicable law is a religious establishment. The leading case is Corp. of the Presiding Bishop v. Amos (1987), unanimously upholding the religious employer exemption in Title VII of the ’64 Civil Rights Act. The Amos Court reasoned that for Congress to leave religion alone, even as others are regulated, is not to establishment a religion. The other exemption cases are Cutter (2005), Gillette (1971), Walz (1970), Zorach (1952), and Arver (1918). Further, any unintended harm that befalls third parties as a result of the exemption has never altered the Court’s analysis. See Amos and Zorach, where others were inconvenienced by the religious accommodation.

     A religious exemption is not to be confused with a naked religious preference. When government, without more, sets out to prefer a particular religious observance, the Establishment Clause is properly implicated. Examples of such a bald preference are found in Caldor (1985), with its unyielding preference for Sabbath observance, and Larkin (1982), with its unguided veto authority vested in churches over the obtaining of a license by nearby businesses. Senate Bill 2, however, is a religious exemption from the general duty imposed on magistrates in North Carolina to solemnize any and all marriages when requested, not a free-standing preference for a religious practice. Finally, it is true that in Larson v. Valente (1982) the Court held that there is an establishment violation when a state sets out to advance a particular religious viewpoint over others, but Senate Bill 2 simply permits recusal by a magistrate as to any couple seeking to marry and to do so without regard to the viewpoint of the magistrate’s religious belief. 

     The Equal Protection Clause count alleges that plaintiffs, as gay and lesbian individuals, may in future have to appear before a reinstated magistrate, thus being subject to a judicial officer that allegedly harbors prejudice. Speculation as to such possible future harm is not ripe for review. Of more interest is that on its face, the Complaint presumes that a magistrate as a conscientious objector to same-sex marriage harbors religious prejudice against gays and lesbians such that he or she cannot perform the judicial task of equal justice under the rule of law. Such a presumption, if categorical, is tantamount to imposing a religious test for holding a public office, a criteria clearly prohibited by the U.S. Constitution.  See McDaniel v. Paty (1978).

     The third count, invoking the Due Process Clause, is a variant of the second, again speculating about future harm from a reinstated magistrate harboring prejudices that deny plaintiffs equal treatment. Once again, the case is neither ripe for review nor is there taxpayer standing apart from claims under the establishment clause. But on the merits, Obergefell established the fundamental right to marry for same-sex couples same as opposite-sex couples, but the right does not extend to a couple being able to demand that the ceremony be performed by a particular person or judicial official. A state retains authority to arrange the many duties of its judicial officers so that they might reasonably be available for the performance inter alia of a civil marriage ceremony, but retains discretion to accommodate the religious conscience of some so long as alternate personnel are provided with all deliberate speed and convenience.

     Writing for the Court in Zorach v. Clausen (1952), Justice William O. Douglas observed that when government cooperates with its religious citizens “by adjusting the schedule of public events to sectarian needs, it follows the best of our traditions.” It is just good manners in the face of such differences to “live and let live.” Why not, Plaintiffs, just bask in the glow of your win in Obergefell? But the cause these Plaintiffs carry here is that even such a minimal accommodation for those with whom they are in genuine disagreement, must be unconstitutional. Sigh …….

 

Wednesday, December 16, 2015

An important reminder

In the October 2015 issue of First Things, Rusty Reno concludes a sobering short piece on our religious-freedom challenges with this: "There will be no United States of America in one thousand years.  But there will be synagogues and churches.  The future is ours."  

Tuesday, December 15, 2015

Anti-School Choice Religious Bigotry

Read Michael Bindas's Wall Street Journal piece on the way the Blaine Amendments continue to hamstring educational reform in many states.   The Supreme Court might get a chance to do the right thing soon.  (Here's hoping that, if given the chance, the justices do do the right thing!)

Under Caesar's Sword: Christian Response to Persecution

I just returned from a fascinating, engaging, and challenging conference in Rome, called "Under Caesar's Sword:  An International Conference on Christian Response to Persecution."  For more on the conference -- and on the multi-year research project of which it is a part -- go here

"Under Caesar’s Sword" is a collaborative global research project that investigates how Christian communities respond when their religious freedom is severely violated. It is a partnership of the Center for Civil and Human Rights at the University of Notre Dame and theReligious Freedom Project at the Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs at Georgetown University.

We heard from religious leaders, activists, scholars, and believers from around the word -- from the Chaldean Catholic Patriarch of Babylon, the Syriac Patriarch of Antioch, the Cardinal Archbishop of Yangon, the General Bishop of the Coptic Orthodox Church in the United Kingdom, the U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom and many, many more.  Big kudos to my friends and colleagues, Dan Philpott and Tim Shah, and their colleagues.

The testimonies of those living under often very severe persecution -- in some cases, of members of communities facing obliteration -- and oppression was powerful and moving.  And, frankly, "convicting," in the sense that a common theme of the presentations from those living and working in troubled lands was "why are you (that is, those of us in the west) standing silent, on the sidelines, while this is happening?  How can you just stand by?"  Indeed.