An amazing line-up. If you are in or near South Bend this weekend, come by. Congratulations to my good friend, Carter Snead, the Center's Director.
Friday, November 11, 2016
Notre Dame Center for Ethics & Culture Fall Conference on Beauty this weekend
Assisted suicide adopted in Colorado; Blaine Amendment survives in Oklahoma; the Death Penalty reinstated in Nebraska
Assisted suicide -- or, the euphemism "dignity in dying" -- was embraced overwhelmingly in Colorado. The anti-Catholic (and, in any event, foolish) Blaine Amendment was retained in Oklahoma; and Nebraska brought back capital punishment (after it had been abolished in the way, in my view, it should be, i.e., legislatively and not judicially).
Camosy on what happened Tuesday
"Higher education is isolated, insular, and liberal. Average voters aren't", writes Charlie Camosy in the Washington Post. He also points out the problems with the "angry, misogynistic white men did this" accounts. I'm inclined to agree with this (intemperately worded, in places) piece, also, which highlights the role that frustration-with-being-the-objects-of-smug-contempt probably played.
Clearly, like pretty much everyone, I read the situation incorrectly and so, like pretty much everyone (in, as Charlie reminds me, my bubble), am surprised by the results. I continue to have the views about both Mr. Trump and Mrs. Clinton that I expressed a few months ago, here. Still, I'm hoping and praying for the best.
Monday, November 7, 2016
A very relevant reading from Maccabees
I'm sure I wasn't the only MOJ-er who thought that this weekend's first reading, about the Maccabees, was timely and relevant!
It happened that seven brothers with their mother were arrested
and tortured with whips and scourges by the king,
to force them to eat pork in violation of God's law.
One of the brothers, speaking for the others, said:
“What do you expect to achieve by questioning us?
We are ready to die rather than transgress the laws of our ancestors.”
At the point of death he said:
“You accursed fiend, you are depriving us of this present life,
but the King of the world will raise us up to live again forever.
It is for his laws that we are dying.”
After him the third suffered their cruel sport.
He put out his tongue at once when told to do so,
and bravely held out his hands, as he spoke these noble words:
“It was from Heaven that I received these;
for the sake of his laws I disdain them;
from him I hope to receive them again.”
Even the king and his attendants marveled at the young man's courage,
because he regarded his sufferings as nothing.
After he had died,
they tortured and maltreated the fourth brother in the same way.
When he was near death, he said,
“It is my choice to die at the hands of men
with the hope God gives of being raised up by him;
but for you, there will be no resurrection to life.”
Thursday, November 3, 2016
A welcome ruling from British Columbia in the Trinity Western case
Here's the story (thanks to Paul Caron). I'm not, I confess, entirely optimistic that what I assume will be eventual decision by Canada's Supreme Court will be as good as this one, but I certainly hope I'm wrong. Here's a bit (which should be required reading for regulators and University administrators here in the United States, too):
In a unanimous decision, a panel of five judges said the negative impact on Trinity Western’s religious freedoms would be severe and far outweigh the minimal effect accreditation would have on gay and lesbian rights.
“A society that does not admit of and accommodate differences cannot be a free and democratic society, one in which its citizens are free to think, to disagree, to debate and to challenge the accepted view without fear of reprisal,” says the 66-page judgment.
“This case demonstrates that a well-intentioned majority acting in the name of tolerance and liberalism can, if unchecked, impose its views on the minority in a manner that is in, itself, intolerant and illiberal.”
Upcoming lecture at Assumption College on Religious Liberty in America
I'm delighted to have the opportunity to visit Assumption College and to speak as part of the school's "President's Lecture Series" on religious liberty in America. If you're in or near Worcester in Nov. 14, please come say "hello"!
Tuesday, November 1, 2016
One more week . . .
Next week, Americans will conduct the fourth presidential election of Mirror of Justice's tenure. My sense is that, during previous election-seasons, this blog was home to more posts, by more bloggers, that directly addressed the election-choice that it has seen this year.
This -- assuming my sense is accurate -- is probably not a bad thing. My hope has always been that Mirror of Justice would be a platform and a vehicle not simply for "thoughts about political matters from Catholic law professors" but instead, or at least also, "thoughts, informed by the Church's moral and social teachings, about the legal enterprise, legal education, the legal profession, and the nature, aims, and limits of law." The latter, it has always seemed to me, presents a better opportunity to "add value" to the public conversations.
Whatever happens next Tuesday -- as I wrote a few months ago, I thought and still think that Mrs. Clinton will be elected President, even though she would deservedly have lost to a normal Republican nominee, and I hoped and still hope that candidates who are committed to school choice, limits on abortion, religious freedom, and judicial conservatism on the courts will win in Congress and in the states -- it seems clear that we in the United States are very badly divided, that many are alienated, isolated, and angry and feel (correctly or not) patronized, left behind, and uninvolved. The hostility between our political camps is boiling and it is tainting friendships, working relationships, campuses, journalism, social media, the parties themselves, and relations within the Church. The fact that there are two major-party nominees is, for now, papering over the reality that the two parties themselves are sharply divided and these divides will, I imagine, re-emerge very quickly after the election.
I know a reasonable amount of history, and I'm not naive, so I don't believe that divisive and angry politics or nasty rhetoric or broken friendships are anything new. Still, the current situation seems depressingly bad. So . . . what can we do, if anything, to help? What, if anything, can we say, or write, or teach, that might help to make things just a little bit better?
Thursday, October 27, 2016
Dwyer on religious schools' "incursions on religious liberty" of children
For many years, Prof. James Dwyer has been forceful, harsh critic of parents' rights and religious schooling. (See, for example, his book, Religious Schools v. Children's Rights, here, and Vouchers Within Reason, the latter of which was, in my view, powerfully criticized by our own Michael Scaperlanda, here. I also engaged, and rejected, some of Dwyer's claims in this paper.) In this new paper, "Religious Schooling and Homeschooling Before and After Hobby Lobby" (here), Dwyer contends that:
The most serious incursions on religious liberty in America today are being inflicted on children by parents and private school operators through power the State has given them. . . .
Even with RFRA's version of strict scrutiny post-Hobby Lobby, states could nonetheless regulate private and home schooling. The Article concludes that state inaction will continue as a result of a troubling pervasive indifference—stemming from societal attitudes and fundamental misconceptions about childrearing—toward children subject to these types of schooling.
Certainly, I hope Dwyer is right in his prediction that "state inaction" -- that is, what I would call "state respect for religious freedom and the fundamental moral and legal right of parents to, generally speaking, direct and control the education and upbringing of their children -- will continue. The notion that children's religious liberty is being violated by "parents and private school operators through power that the State has given them" is, to me, entirely unappealing and, indeed, repugnant. (Although I should underscore that, in my experience, Prof. Dwyer's commitment to the well-being of children as he understands it is deep and sincere.) I highlight the piece here, though, because I think its publication is another "data point", among an increasing number, that provides worrisome support for the concern that, in the coming years, attacks on religious education, parents' rights, and Pierce will continue and escalate. (Recently, prominent academic and commentator Erwin Chemerinsky called for Pierce to be overruled.) One way this will happen is through the application of wide-reaching antidiscrimination regulations and curricular requirements that are at odds with the religious mission of many religious schools (and with the religious-education and formation aims of many parents). These regulations and requirements will be framed by their supporters as important for the socialization and development of children, and parents' disagreement with them will be characterized as a kind of neglect. Stay tuned, and wary.
Levine on the "Hands-Off Approach to Religious Doctrine"
Prof. Samuel Levine (Touro) returns, here, to an issue that he has addressed thoughtfully and thoroughly in other work, namely, what he calls the Supreme Court's "Hands-Off Approach to Religious Doctrine." Here's the paper's abstract:
In each of the past four terms, the United States Supreme Court has decided a case with important implications for the interpretation and application of the Religion Clauses of the United States Constitution: Hosanna-Tabor Evangelical Lutheran Church & Sch. v. EEOC, Burwell v. Hobby Lobby, Inc., Holt v. Hobbs, and, most recently, Zubik v. Burwell. Although the Court’s decisions in these cases addressed — and seemed to resolve — a number of questions central to Free Exercise and Establishment Clause jurisprudence, including recognition of the “ministerial exception” and religious rights of a corporate entity, the decisions left a number of questions unanswered, such as the contours of free exercise rights for prisoners and the definition of a religious minister. More dramatically — though anticlimactically — in Zubik, rather than ruling in favor of one of the parties, the Court issued an unusual per curiam opinion instructing the parties to work to find a way to resolve the matter.
This article suggests that the Supreme Court’s inability to answer some of these questions, or even to resolve the controversy in Zubik, is rooted in the Court’s continuing, and arguably expanding, hands-off approach to religious doctrine. Courts and scholars have offered sound justifications for the Supreme Court’s hands-off approach to questions of religious doctrine grounded in constitutional principles of religious freedom as well as more general concerns over judicial competence and the role of judges. Nevertheless, as recent cases have illustrated, the hands-off approach raises concerns of its own, at times serving as a source of contention and confusion. The ongoing tensions and divisions among Justices and judges revolving around these issues may suggest a need for the Supreme Court to revisit and perhaps rethink the contours of the hands-off approach to achieve clarity for the future.
My own effort to understand this "hands-off approach" is here:
At the 2008 Annual Meeting of the American Association of Law Schools, the program organized by the Section on Law and Religion presented for consideration the claim that “the United States Supreme Court has shown an increasing unwillingness to engage in deciding matters that relate to the interpretation of religious practice and belief.” The Court, it was proposed, is — more and more — taking a “hands-off approach to religious doctrine.”
This proposal was, and remains, timely and important, as is illustrated by — to mention just a few, diverse examples — the ongoing property-ownership dispute between several “breakaway” Episcopal churches in Virginia, on the one hand, and the Episcopal Diocese of Virginia, on the other; by the Supreme Court of Canada’s recent ruling that an agreement regarding a religious divorce under Jewish law is enforceable in civil courts; by a federal judge’s ruling that the Georgia Institute of Technology had unconstitutionally taken on the task of instructing students about the merits of various traditions’ positions on sexual morality; and perhaps even by the Speaker of the House’s controversial pronouncements, on “Meet the Press,” about Roman Catholic teaching with respect to abortion. In each of these controversies, a government actor is being asked to decide a question, or has presumed to resolve a dispute, involving the meaning or content of religious teaching.
But, such examples notwithstanding, is the proposed claim true? That is, is it really the case that American courts are showing such an “increasing unwillingness,” and that they are doing so in accord with any identifiable principle or “approach”? If there is, in the Court’s law-and-religion toolkit, something like a hands-off “rule,” then what are that rule’s scope, content, and justifications? Which feared harms does it protect against, and which goods does it promote? When it comes to “matters that relate to the interpretation of religious practice and belief,” why is the Court doing, and should it be doing, what it is doing?
A nice interview with Prof. Adrian Vermeule about becoming Catholic
A few months ago, Prof. Adrian Vermeule (Harvard) came into full communion with the Catholic Church. (He was confirmed at the University of Notre Dame's Log Chapel.) Here is a really nice interview with Adrian about the journey and decision: Download Vermeule article Check it out.