Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Saturday, June 24, 2006

Church autonomy gathering

I'm back from a fascinating, two-day roundtable conference of scholars and practitioners on "church autonomy."  The conversations were fascinating; what a treat to hear so many stories from folks who are "in the trenches" of church-autonomy cases.  Some of the questions we kicked around -- and I'd welcome MOJ-ers' thoughts -- included:  What is the constitutional source of the church-autonomy doctrine(s)?  What is its content / reach?  How can lawyers, judges, and our fellow citizens be educated about the doctrine and its importance, particularly in a post-clergy-sex-abuse-scandal context, and particularly when -- as Alan Wolfe has reported -- Americans generally regard religion as spirituality, and churches as little more than overlapping personal experiences?  How can the doctrine be framed (can it be framed?) in a way that is both true to the relevant constitutional text, history, and structure, *and* to our various ecclesiologies?  And so on.

This is, I think, the religious-freedom issue of our time.

More on cities and suburbs

The brilliant and delightful Professor Nicole Garnett has posted a new paper, "Save the Cities, Stop the Suburbs," that should be interesting to those following MOJ's ongoing "urbanism" (new and old) threat.  Here is the abstract:

This Essay reviews two recent books: Robert Bruegmann, Sprawl: A Compact History and Joel Kotkin, The City: A Global History. Bruegmann, an architectural historian, makes an important contribution to the thinking about suburban sprawl by placing current development patterns in historical context. Bruegmann builds a strong case that the costs of limits on suburban development - especially the reduction in the supply of affordable housing - might well outweigh their benefits. His failure to consider whether measures other than suburban growth restrictions might enliven cities, however, is a serious shortcoming. The Essay suggests that urban officials must find ways to make cities, in Kotkin's words, “sacred, safe, and busy,” places again. The Essay urges local governments to examine how city land use policies (as opposed to suburban ones) affect urban life and suggests that city officials must address inevitable tensions between safety and busyness and between busyness and beauty.

Sunday, June 18, 2006

Fr. Coughlin on the identity of Catholic universities

I am sorry for the light blogging (I'm in Arizona, doing a few talks and enjoying watching my kids play with my parents).  This interview, with my friend and colleague, Fr. John Coughlin, OFM, should be of interest to many readers.  Fr. Coughlin talks about Ex Corde, the identity of Catholic universities, and other good stuff.  Here is a taste:

"Ex Corde Ecclesiae" requires that at least a simple majority of the members of a Catholic university be practicing Catholics. This juridic requirement reflects the understanding of a Catholic university as a community of persons who are committed to Catholic faith.

Catholic belief is necessarily normative within the Catholic intellectual community. Catholicism is not just another "good idea" sometimes at issue and to be batted around in the ongoing intellectual debate at the Catholic university.

Without the recognition of the primacy of Catholic truth claims, the university's own internal dialogue will fail to ensure integration of faith and reason; and in its dialogue with wider culture, the Catholic university will be a weak partner with little of its own to offer.

The phrase "hiring in accord with mission" means that there can be no fruitful internal or external dialogue unless the majority of the faculty members are committed Catholics and that others on the faculty at least show a genuine respect for the integration of faith and reason.

Thursday, June 8, 2006

We're Busted!

Curses!  Today's Know Nothings have uncovered the Romish immigration - Reconquista plot.  The "Pilgrim Covenant Church" reports:

Over the past few years, I have spent time pointing out that the Roman Catholic Church is aiding and abetting the criminal invasion of America from Mexico because the illegals are almost all Roman Catholics. That church/state which maintains political, diplomatic relationships with the UN, the EU, the Russian Federation, the Organization for the Liberation of Palestine, and 174 nations around the globe is working both legally and criminally on behalf of a movement, the goal of which is to bring as many Mexicans into America as possible so as to eventually take over a large chunk of our nation for Mexico. This multifaceted movement, made up of radical organizations such as La Raza (The Race), Aztlan, and MEChA, is called Reconquista (Reconquest).

The leadership of the Roman Catholic Church has a stake in Reconquista. The pope and his henchmen are looking to turn America, founded and still a Protestant country, into a Roman Catholic country. . . .

The Roman Catholic Church is determined to turn Protestant America into a Roman Catholic country, and her best bet to do that is to bring as many Catholics into our nation as possible.

And we would have gotten away with it, too, if it weren't for those meddling kids!

"The Vatican" loses on sovereign-immunity claim

The Washington Post reports

A federal judge ruled Wednesday that a sex abuse lawsuit against the Vatican can move forward with its claim that the Holy See bears responsibility for a priest who was transferred from city to city even though he was known to be a molester. 

U.S. District Judge Michael Mosman said in his decision that there are exceptions to the Foreign Sovereign Immunity Act, under which the Vatican is typically immune from the jurisdiction of U.S. courts.

Rejecting the Vatican's bid to dismiss the case, Mosman ruled that there was enough of a connection between the Vatican and the priest, who died in 1970, for him to be considered a Vatican employee under Oregon law.

The lawyer bringing the case, Jeffrey Anderson, "frequently represents abuse victims" (and has made millions of dollars by -- in his words -- "suing the shit" out of the Church.  ed.)  called the ruling a "titanic legal victory":

[This is] the first time any court has held or acknowledged there is a basis in law to hold the Holy See accountable for cover up and concealment and this international movement of predatory priests.

I'd be interested to hear from any canonists out there whether it is plausible -- from the Church's perspective, anyway -- to characterize the relationship between a priest and the Holy See as an employee-employer relationship.

Church autonomy decision

Professor Friedman has the good news about the Third Circuit's decision in the Ursuline Academy case.  As Friedman notes, "the U.S. Third Circuit Court of Appeals rejected employment discrimination claims by a female teacher who was fired from her position as a 7th/8th grade teacher at a Catholic school after she signed a pro-choice advertisement in a local newspaper."  Congrats to the Becket Fund for the win in this important case.

Tuesday, June 6, 2006

The Day After Roe

The June issue of The Atlantic has (in addition to a really funny send-up of management-consulting-speak) a long piece by Jeffrey Rosen called, "The Day After Roe."  (Unfortunately, the full essay is available only to subscribers.)  In a nutshell, Rosen works through the various scenarios and developments -- political and legal -- that might follow a reversal by the Court of Roe v. Wade.  The working premise for the piece is that Justice Stevens has retired, President Bush has nominated a "fire-breathing social conservative", the Democrats have filibustered, the Republicans have gone "nuclear," and so the Court that hears arguments in the partial-birth-abortion case has five possibly anti-Roe members.  "Because of the intricacies of American federalism," Rosen writes, "and the polarization of American politics exacerbated by Roe itself, the moderate national consensus about abortion might not be reflected in law for years to come, andthe political landscape could be transformed beyond recognition."

Near the end of the piece, Rosen considers the possibility that a post-transformation Democratic Congress passes (and President Clinton signs) a federal law guaranteeing early-term abortions -- notwithstanding the enactment of now-constitutional, more restrictive laws in some states -- but "conservative activists" on the Court strike down the federal law on New Federalism / enumerated-powers grounds.  "This," Rosen notes, "would be a brazen act of judicial activism - no less anti-democratic than Roe itself." 

What does Rosen mean here, exactly?  (Or, what do we mean when we characterize -- as most of us have, at one time or another -- a judicial decision as "anti-democratic"?)  Put aside, for now, the longrunning debate whether "judicial activism" is a particularly helpful term.  What does it mean to say that Roe is "anti-democratic," and in what sense would it be "anti-democratic" for the Court to invalidate a federal law that itself purported to displace states' more restrictive abortion laws? 

We could say, I guess, that both Roe and the hypothesized later case are "anti-democratic" in the sense that both involve the exercise of judicial review and the invalidation by unelected judges of a measure enacted through the legislative process by politically accountable representatives.  We might think that a decision is either anti-democratic, or it's not -- and both of these are.  But, if this is all that "anti-democratic" means, then it's hard to see why the term should be used or regarded as an epithet.

Or, maybe it's better to say that Roe is a lot more anti-democratic because, after all, it invalidated dozens of state laws, while the hypothesized later case only invalidates one.  Or, maybe the later case is rendered less anti-democratic by the fact that the law it invalidates has the purpose and (anti-democratic?) effect of displacing the now-constitutionally-permissible, more restrictive laws enacted in some states? 

I'm inclined to think that Roe was "anti-democratic" not so much because it invalidated the particular products (i.e., statutes) of democratic processes, but because it removed from the sphere of politics an issue about which the Constitution permits reasonable people of good will to disagree, argue, and compromise.  This is not true, it seems to me, of the cases that Rosen would probably identify as the results of "conservative judicial activism", like Lopez or Boerne -- decisions that did not purport to answer definitively disputed normative or policy questions, but only to identify the political communities that are authorized to answer them (or not).

Monday, June 5, 2006

Punishing Christians

I was going through some things today (avoidance behavior), and came across a paper by Stanley Hauerwas, "Punishing Christians," which he had presented at Notre Dame a few years ago.  It is, among other things, a fascinating engagement with John Paul II, Oliver O'Donovan, and Cardinal Dulles on punishment theory and capital punishment.  The paper's conclusion, I thought, is particularly interesting:  "What Christians have to offer our non-Christian brothers and sisters is not a better theory [of punishment], but a practice of punishment that can be imitated. . . .  Christians . . . fail themselves and their non-Christian neighbors when they act as if punishment is a problem 'out there.'  What Christians must first give to the world is to be a community that can punish.  Only then will the world have an example of what it might mean to be a community that punishes in a manner appropriate for a people who believe that we have been freed by the cross of Christ from the terror of death."

Amy Barrett: "A Different Kind of Lawyer"

My friend and colleague, Amy Barrett, gave a wonderful talk at this year's graduation ceremony at Notre Dame Law School on what it might mean to be "a different kind of lawyer", i.e., the kind that Notre Dame claims to aspire to produce.  The speech is not long, and I think many MOJ readers would really enjoy it.  Here's the heart of it:

So what then, does it mean to be a different kind of lawyer? The implications of our
Catholic mission for your legal education are many, and don’t worry - - I’m not going to
explore them all in this short speech. I’m just going to identify one way in which I hope
that you, as graduates of Notre Dame, will fulfill the promise of being a different kind of
lawyer. And that is this: that you will always keep in mind that your legal career is but a
means to an end, and as Fr. Jenkins told you this morning, that end is building the
kingdom of God. You know the same law, are charged with maintaining the same ethical
standards, and will be entering the same kinds of legal jobs as your peers across the
country. But if you can keep in mind that your fundamental purpose in life is not to be a
lawyer, but to know, love, and serve God, you truly will be a different kind of lawyer.

Sunday, June 4, 2006

"Indoctrination"

Marty Lederman has a detailed, helpful post over at Balkinization, discussing the recent decision by a federal district judge in Iowa, "declaring unconstitutional the State of Iowa's establishment of a rehabilitation program operated in the state prison system by the InnerChange Freedom Initiative, a substidiary of Chuck Colson's Prison Fellowship Ministries."  (Marty's words).   Marty writes, quoting the court:

In the court's words, "state funds were used intentionally to indoctrinate Iowa inmates [within the state prison], by a non-profit religious service provider preferred by the state in its selection process, into a form of the Christian religion in the belief that the indoctrination, combined with the communal rehabilitation model, would be of some help in their rehabilitation." The funded program is faith-intensive, and fundamentally religious in nature: "The overtly religious atmosphere of the InnerChange program is not simply an overlay or a secondary effect of the program—it is the program. There are no separate educational and religious functions in the InnerChange program as there were in Agostini . . . . Here, every activity—worship services, revivals, community meetings, daily devotionals—is organized and developed by the InnerChange program and is designed to transform an individual spiritually. Even the otherwise traditional rehabilitation classes themselves . . . have been turned into classes intended to indoctrinate inmates into the Christian faith."

Now, both the trial-court judge, and Marty in his post, make extensive use of the term "indoctrination."  I wonder, what exactly is this word intended to communicate?  What does it communicate, about the motives and goals of the teachers participating in the InnerChange program, about the nature of religious belief and transformation,  about courts' understanding of what religion is, and about the disposition and goals of the participating inmates? 

My own view is that the Court in the late 1960s and early 1970s made use of "indoctrination" (and "sectarian") in an unfortunate way, that owed too much to Paul Blanshard- and Hugo Black-style anti-Catholicism (i.e., "our public schools educate children, and promote unity; the Catholic schools indoctrinate, and are divisive", etc., etc.).  To be clear, it is obvious that neither Marty nor the trial judge in Iowa intend this meaning.  Still, the question remains:  What is "indoctrination" and what is (or should be) the term's constitutional significance? 

What markers distinguish "indoctrination" from "conveying claims about the world that, the speaker hopes, will appeal to the hearer's reason and, perhaps, transform his or her thinking about the world"?  Is there a distinction between "teaching about religion" and "indoctrination"?  Coming at the matter in another way, in what sense is what was happening in the InnerChange program -- which aims, in a comprehensive way, to "transform an individual spiritually" -- "indoctrination"?  Notice that the court distinguishes explicitly between "educational" and "religious" functions, stating that "every activity" of InnerChange is, again, "designed to transform an individual spiritually."  I would have thought, though, that the line between "education" and "transform[ation]" was not so clear.

Now, none of this is to dispute the court's or Marty's conclusion that, given the relevant doctrines, texts, and precedents, the trial judge was correct in invalidating the InnerChange program.  I can think of many reasons why reasonable people of good will, including those who might well believe that religious transformation would be good for inmates and for "society", might nonetheless conclude that this program goes too far.  I'm not sure, though, how much work the word "indoctrination" should do in guiding us to this conclusion.