Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Thursday, November 15, 2007

Reply to Tom on vouchers, etc.

Tom asks if I agree "that even the interests in 'religious freedom and value-pluralism' can support graduating the voucher amount by income (perhaps cutting it off above a certain level)?"  Oh, sure -- given the political realities (i.e., a public-school baseline is here to stay) and the realities of financial scarcity, I definitely agree.  But, I also believe that the approach that would best serve the common good, properly understood, would be universal (and equal) voucher-ization of education funding, with government schools being one co-equal option among many other (reasonably regulated) options.

Stuntz replies

Bill Stuntz sent me the following, commenting on my recent posting of John Breen's new papers engaging Stuntz & David Skeel's work:

For the written version of a lecture on (sort of) the same topic, see http://www.law.harvard.edu/news/2007/10/Stuntz_lawandgrace.pdf.  There's some stuff in there about different types of culture wars (Martin Luther King's kind, and the different kind many Christians have fought over the last generation), and about the ways law and government might be more grace-like.

Re the alleged different-ness of abortion (one of Breen's criticisms of David's and my paper), I believe, and I'm certain David believes though he can of course speak for himself -- that there are plenty of circumstances in which the morally and politically right move is to criminalize that sad practice.  But the question whether legal prohibition is wise, I'd argue, depends on more than the moral character of the conduct.  If a large number of young women want to end their pregnancies even if that means killing the soon-to-be children in their wombs, I do not believe any modern legal system can or will stop them from doing so without causing even greater loss of life in the process.

That is the consistent lesson of American history, including the history of abortion and abortion law itself.  Cultural change must either accompany or precede legal change for the latter to be effective.  And, as to some subjects, if we get the order wrong, we actually retard cultural change rather than advancing it.

The puzzle, to my mind anyway, is not abortion but civil rights.  Plainly, the civil rights movement shows that law CAN move the culture -- as it did: those of us who grew up South of the Mason-Dixon line in the 1960s and 1970s saw it happen.  I'm sure I don't understand all the reasons why legal change sometimes promotes cultural change and sometimes doesn't, but I do have a strong suspicion:  my guess is, the most culturally productive kinds of law are the kinds that create human relationship and community rather than sundering those things.  The civil rights movement created at least the makings of an integrated economy and an integrated political community; it was relationship-reinforcing.  Criminal prohibitions, by contrast, are relationship-destroying.  Maybe, if and when there is ever a genuinely pro-life political majority in the United States (as there clearly is not now), that majority should try to use government policies to promote enterprises like crisis pregnancy centers: means of encouraging and helping young women in distress, not hammering those who make bad choices.  At least, we should probably do that until many fewer of them want to make those choices.

Wednesday, November 14, 2007

New Papers by John Breen

Our former blog-colleague John Breen has posted a few new papers on SSRN.  Here is "John Paul II, the Structures of Sin, and the Limits of Law":

Nearly three years ago, Pope John Paul II passed away. Regardless of one's religious background, the late pope must be regarded as one of the most significant figures of the twentieth century. John Paul left behind an enormous record of teaching. One of the topics of the late pope's many texts is the relationship between law and culture, which this article discusses.

As someone who saw Poland ravaged by Nazism and totalitarian socialism, John Paul was aware of the need for a legal system dedicated to justice and the rule of law. Regardless of the issue, John Paul supported the use of legal mechanisms to address unjust attitudes and behaviors that assume institutional form - what he called “structures of sin.” However, John Paul knew that law subordinates culture, as every legal system is the product of culture, and suffers from serious limitations when employed to bring about social change. I use a passage from Dostoevsky's The Brothers Karamazov to introduce the pope's teaching on these matters.

Furthermore, in an article entitled Christianity and the (Modest) Rule of Law, law professors David Skeel and William Stuntz argue that law should be modest in its ambitions, as it may not be an appropriate response to many social problems. They argue that law suffers when it attempts to regulate what it cannot change – a vice they call “legal moralism.” They make these arguments from an Evangelical Christian perspective.

Although Skeel and Stuntz agree with John Paul in many respects, their analysis could have benefited from a broader engagement with the Christian intellectual tradition. They fail to appreciate the way in which law helps to form cultural norms and practices by serving a teaching function. Furthermore, Skeel and Stuntz are mistaken in identifying the legal regulation of abortion as an example of “legal moralism.”

And, here is "Modesty and Moralism:  A Reply to Steel and Stuntz":

In a recent article, Christianity and the (Modest) Rule of Law, law professors David Skeel and William Stuntz argue that American law should be modest in its ambitions. They contend that law is not an appropriate response to many social problems, including abortion. They argue that the rule of law suffers when law attempts to regulate that which it cannot change – a vice they refer to as “legal moralism.” Skeel and Stuntz make these arguments from an Evangelical Christian perspective.

This essay examines Skeel and Stuntz's ideas concerning legal modesty and legal moralism, particularly regarding abortion. I argue that their essay could have benefited from a more thorough engagement with the Christian intellectual tradition.

I also argue that Skeel and Stuntz undermine their claim that law is frequently incapable of affecting social change by relying on Gerald Rosenberg's deeply flawed discussion of abortion prior to Roe v. Wade. By relying solely on Rosenberg's book, Skeel and Stuntz ignore evidence that abortion increased following the state reform efforts of the late 1960s and early 1970s and the decision in Roe.

Many commentators have argued that law should be used in a non-coercive manner to curb the incidence of abortion through greater social assistance to women and families. I show that data indicates that these sorts of laws would have a marginal effect on the nearly 1.3 million abortions that take place each year.

Skeel and Stuntz see that culture enjoys a priority over law in influencing individuals' choices. However, they misunderstand the importance of law in shaping culture. I argue that abortion as a social problem cannot be resolved solely by legal means. Instead, law should be part an effort of cultural transformation. I offer the example of how law has worked with cultural norms in significantly reducing the incidence of drunk-driving fatalities beginning in the 1980s.

Finally, here is the Skeel and Stuntz paper that John is engaging:

Conservative Christians are often accused, justifiably, of trying to impose their moral views on the rest of the population: of trying to equate God's law with man's law. In this essay, we try to answer the question whether that equation is consistent with Christianity.

It isn't. Christian doctrines of creation and the fall imply the basic protections associated with the rule of law. But the moral law as defined in the Sermon on the Mount is flatly inconsistent with those protections. The most plausible inference to draw from those two conclusions is that the moral law - God's law - is meant to play a different role than the law of code books and case reports. Good morals inspire and teach; good law governs. When the roles are confused, law ceases to rule and discretion rules in its place. That is a lesson that many of our fellow religious believers would do well to learn: Christians on the right and on the left are too quick to seek to use law to advance their particular moral visions, without taking proper account of the limits of law's capacity to shape the culture it governs. But the lesson is not only for religious believers. America's legal system purports to honor the rule of law, but in practice it is honored mostly in the breach. One reason why is the gap between law's capacity and the ambitions lawmakers and legal theorists have for it. Properly defining the bounds of law's empire is the key to ensuring that law, not discretion, rules.

For some earlier MOJ posts on the Skeel & Stuntz paper, go here, here, and here.

McClay on cities

Yes, yes, yes!  No, I'm not re-enacting "When Harry Met Sally"; I'm linking to Wilfred McClay's essay, at First Things, called "Why Conservatives Should Care About Cities.  And yes, I realize that I probably blog too often about urbanism, "new" and otherwise.  Still, check it out:

[C]onservatism cannot be merely an attachment to certain abstract principles. It is also an attachment to real and tangible things, and to the past out of which those things, not to mention we ourselves, have emerged. Cities are, and remain, the chief places where these meanings are conserved and cultivated.

Tuesday, November 13, 2007

Bamforth and Richards on the "New" Natural Lawyers

I have not, I admit, read the new book by Bamforth and Richards, about which Rob posted here.  But, going only on the abstract . . . let's just say I'm not sure I'd want to inflict it on anyone, even a "new natural lawyer."  "Conservative moral views of the papacy", "polemically defends sectarian arguments", "fundamentalist style", "patriarchal style of religious authority", zzzzzz. 

Certainly, one must remain open to the argument (see, e.g., Russ Hittinger) -- though I'm not competent to adjudicate the dispute -- that the so-called "new natural lawyers" don't have St. Thomas exactly right, and also to "alternative [but authentic] forms of Christianity that are not fatally flawed" (who wants a "fatally flawed" Christianity, after all?).  But the "polemical", superficial characterizations -- in the abstract -- of the work, character, and motivations of John Finnis, Robert George, etc. are clearly and well wide of the mark and impossible (for me) to regard as reflecting the conclusions of serious, scholarly engagement.

UPDATE:  A reader suggests that it is hardly surprising that Prof. Richards would be unfriendly to the so-called "new" natural lawyers' project.  According to the reader, Richards, in his book, The Moral Criticism of Law, celebrates adult pornography as "the unique medium of a vision of sexuality, a ‘pornotopia,' a view of sensual delight in the erotic celebration of the body, a concept of easy freedom without consequences, a fantasy of timelessly repetitive indulgence."  This view -- assuming it is Richards's -- is not one, I suppose, that is likely to push one toward, say, the theses proposed and defended in Natural Law and Natural Rights.

Monday, November 12, 2007

"The Speech": Kennedy in Houston, 1960

CSPAN's web site has a link to John F. Kennedy's September 1960 speech to ministers in Houston about his Catholicism.  It's fascinating, especially the Q & A section.  I had not appreciated how hostile some of those in the audience were, and had instead always assumed that his "Church does not speak for me" line had carried the day easily.

Relatedly, here's a news story regarding Mitt Romney's decision (for now, anyway) not to give an LDS version of "the Speech."

What Utah means: response to Tom

Tom asks if I agree with him that "a real emphasis on empowering the poor calls for the program to be targeted at modest incomes.  The subsidiarity-based strategy of school choice should act in the service of a more progressive (i.e. modest-income-focused) allocation of government spending on education." 

I "sorta" do.  It certainly does appear that, politically, it makes more sense to push for voucher programs targeted specifically (the more specifically the better) to helping poor children, or children otherwise not provided with educationally sound government-run alternatives.  That said, I regard the case for educational choice as being not only about competition, and not only about assisting the poor, but also about religious freedom and value-pluralism.  It could well be that there are families who are not, strictly speaking, "poor", and whose public schools are not awful, and who would prefer to form their children (as is their duty) through an education that integrates faith into the process, but who cannot afford to.  The common good is, it seems to me, well served by relieving the burden on such parents.

All that said . . . Tom is right that the political realities are what they are.

Friday, November 9, 2007

Vouchers, cont'd

My friend Michael has, by posting this article on the failure of the voucher program in Utah, poured figurative lemon juice into my figurative paper cut.  Argh.  The article's claims are familiar, but no less misguided for being familiar.  Let's start with this:

Voters in conservative Utah have soundly rejected one of the pet causes of the modern conservative movement, with 62 percent voting Tuesday to kill a school voucher program enacted by the Utah Legislature.

In fact, choice in education is not a "pet cause of the modern conservative movement."  If it were -- that is, if conservatives were more consistently behind choice -- it would have more success in beating back the "blob" of the government-school lobby.  Yes, choice-in-education enjoys support from those who care about markets and competition (e.g., Friedman and Epstein), but also from those who care about opportunity for low-income and minority children (e.g., Jack Coons and Joe Viteritti), and who care about religious freedom (e.g., Pope John Paul II, Judge Michael McConnell).  School choice fails primarily because a combination of teacher-union self-interest and some (otherwise conservative) suburbanites' desire for lower taxes and, shall we say, less diverse government schools.

More:

In fact, in every part of the country and every time the question has been put to them, voters have rejected the concept of private school vouchers. They have done so in blue states such as California, and in the reddest of red states such as Utah. People are sending a message, and it's not one that opponents of our public school systems want to hear. They're telling their political leaders that they believe in public schools and are committed to making them work.

Let's put aside the question whether, given the massive and misleading campaign that was mounted by the "blob", we really heard, in this election, the voice of the people of Utah.  The political marketplace of ideas is what it is, after all, and I have to live with the results.  But it really is a bit much, for those of us involved in education-reform efforts, to hear the side that always and everywhere is trying to resist popular reform measures (e.g., merit pay for teachers) suddenly crowing about how "the people have spoken.")  More:

There's no question that the public school system faces critical challenges, particularly here in Georgia. Far too many kids drop out before they get a degree, condemning themselves to a lifetime of struggle in poor-paying jobs. Far too many who do graduate lack the skills and know-how to compete in a rapidly globalizing, knowledge-based economy.

But to their credit, the American people understand that vouchers would address none of those problems. To the contrary, using taxpayer dollars to finance private education would bleed money, students and political support from public schools. Vouchers would represent an act of surrender, cutting large numbers of children adrift to fend for themselves.

The "American people understand" no such thing'; they couldn't, because it is not true.  The "education" that school-vouchers would pay for is education, full stop.  It is not "private education."  The outputs of private schools are, not less than (and almost certainly more than) than those of government-run schools, public goods.  The notion that vulnerable students, who are being denied opportunities by dysfunctional government-school bureaucracies and teacher-union-driven policies, have to stay in badly performing schools, because they cannot afford alternatives, while wealthy families are able to exercise "choice" by moving to better districts or paying for private schools, is no more attractive than any other hostage-taking argument should be.  The anti-choice argument is, in the end, the argument that parents who want to form their children in and through a religious education should have to pay twice, and that poor parents and children who cannot afford to escape government schools that are organized around principles determined primarily by teacher-union members' self-interest should not be permitted to escape.  Yuck.

Thursday, November 8, 2007

MOJ: Genius

Go to this website, "The Blog Readability Test", and enter www.mirrorofjustice.com.  Hee hee.  (I wonder . . . by writing "hee hee" will I reduce MOJ's score?) 

Wednesday, November 7, 2007

Wills is wrong, cont'd

A few days ago, I expressed my doubts about Garry Wills's recently-expressed-in-op-ed-form arguments relating to Christianity, the Bible, abortion, and reason.  Here's a snippet, from a recent lecture by Archbishop Chaput, that provides still more reasons to regret the mistakes in Wills's piece:

From the start, to be a Christian meant believing that sex and marriage were sacred. From the start, to be a Christian meant rejecting abortion, infanticide, birth control, divorce, homosexual activity and marital infidelity -- all those things widely practiced by their Roman neighbors.

Athenagoras, a Christian layman, told the Emperor Marcus Aurelius in the year A.D. 176 that abortion was "murder" and that those involved would have to "give an account to God." And he told the emperor the reason why: "For we regard the very fetus in the womb as a created being, and therefore an object of God's care."

As this audience already knows, Christian reverence for the unborn child is no medieval development. It comes from the very beginnings of our faith. The early Church had no debates over politicians and communion. There wasn't any need. No persons who tolerated or promoted abortion would have dared to approach the Eucharistic table, let alone dared to call themselves true Christians.

And here's why: The early Christians understood that they were the offspring of a new worldwide family of God. They saw the culture around them as a culture of death, a society that was slowly extinguishing itself. In fact, when you read early Christian literature, practices like adultery and abortion are often described as part of "the way of death" or the "way of the [devil]."

There's an interesting line in a Second Century apologetic work written by Minucius Felix. He was a Roman lawyer and a convert. He's talking about a birth-control drug that works as an abortifacient. He describes its effects this way: "There are women who swallow drugs to stifle in their own womb the beginnings" of a person to be.