Click here to learn more about the "Third Annual Baylor Symposium on Faith and Culture." This year's theme is "Secularization and Revival: The Fate of Religion in Modern Intellectual History". Check it out. The speaker lineup is fantastic.
Monday, June 1, 2009
Conference of interest at Baylor
Arbp. Chaput's Canterbury Award remarks
This year's recipient of the Canterbury Award, given out by my friends at the Becket Fund (go here and give them money) is Archbishop Charles Chaput. His remarks on the occasion are here. A taste:
My job tonight is to talk about the importance of religious freedom, and our need to protect that freedom. More than any other country in the world, the United States is a nation that only really makes sense in a religion-friendly context. The writer Robert D. Kaplan, who has little use for soft-minded moralizing, once said that America has done so well for so long because her Founders had a tragic sense of history. They had few illusions about human perfectibility. And they got that spirit from the world of faith that shaped their experience.
The Founders certainly had hope in their ability to build a “new order of things” -- but only under the judgment of a Creator. In other words, they had a sane kind of hope; the biblical kind that’s grounded in realism, because they also believed in sin. They had an unsentimental grasp of human nature as a mix of nobility, weakness and flaws that need to be constrained. And that kind of thinking had very practical, political results. American ideals require a certain kind of citizen to make them work. That’s why John Adams said that “Our Constitution was made only for a moral and religious people. It is wholly inadequate to the government of any other.” . . .
Linker's Question for George, and Dreher's answer
It comes as no surprise, of course, that some are seizing on the murder of Dr. Tiller as an occasion to either blame those who insist on reminding the world that our legal regime does not treat unborn children justly for their reckless and enabling speech or to play, yet again, the "you guys don't really believe what you say, because if you did, you'd be killing abortion providers, too" card. Again, no surprise.
It seems to me (judging from my in-box) that every pro-life organization in the country is issuing press releases denouncing categorically (as they should) the murder. (Click here for some links.) Here, for example, is Robert George's statement (here):
Whoever murdered George Tiller has done a gravely wicked thing. The evil of this action is in no way diminished by the blood George Tiller had on his own hands. No private individual had the right to execute judgment against him. We are a nation of laws. Lawless violence breeds only more lawless violence. Rightly or wrongly, George Tiller was acquitted by a jury of his peers. "Vengeance is mine, says the Lord." For the sake of justice and right, the perpetrator of this evil deed must be prosecuted, convicted, and punished. By word and deed, let us teach that violence against abortionists is not the answer to the violence of abortion. Every human life is precious. George Tiller's life was precious. We do not teach the wrongness of taking human life by wrongfully taking a human life. Let our "weapons" in the fight to defend the lives of abortion's tiny victims, be chaste weapons of the spirit.
To which Damon Linker responds:
If abortion truly is what the pro-life movement says it is -- if it is the infliction of deadly violence against an innocent and defenseless human being -- then doesn't morality demand that pro-lifers act in any way they can to stop this violence? I mean, if I believed that a guy working in an office down the street was murdering innocent and defenseless human beings every day, and the governing authorities repeatedly refused to intervene on behalf of the victims, I might feel compelled to do something about it, perhaps even something unreasonable and irresponsible. Wouldn't you?
This is the radicalizing logic of pro-life rhetoric. Which brings me to my question for pro-lifers: Who is the better, truer member of your movement? The man who murdered serial "baby killer" George Tiller? Or Robert George and other (comparative) moderates, who reject the use of violence to save the innocent?
I suspect, given Linker's past writings and interventions, that this question is rhetorical. Certainly, it has been answered many times. To be clear: there *are* reasonable and important questions to be raised about the kind of language used in identifying, condemning, and fighting against injustice -- and not, remember, just the injustice of abortion.
A recent response, specifically to Linker, is provided here by Rod Dreher. See also, here, Michael Sean Winters's comments.
Sunday, May 31, 2009
Murder in Kansas
George Tiller, one of the country's more well-known performers of late-term abortions, has -- it is being reported -- been murdered, at his church, in Wichita. This is horrible.
The new "First Things" site
If you have not yet checked out the new "First Things" site, you should. It's really impressive -- a half-dozen blogs, plus "On the Square" and the material from the print-magazine. Joe Carter, the new web editor, has done a great job.
Thursday, May 28, 2009
Michael Perry v. Steve Shiffrin? And other Judge Sotomayor-related thoughts
Gather round! Steve Shiffrin writes, here, that "activism" is "just an ideological term employed by conservatives, and it should be understood as such." (In recent years, actually, liberals have taken to the term, too.) Michael Perry's new book, though, Constitutional Rights, Moral Controversy, and the Supreme Court, defends a Thayerian (i.e., highly deferential) approach to judicial review, an approach that, presumably, contrasts (and conflicts) with other, less deferential ("activist"?) approaches. Michael, what say you? Is "activism" (for all its misuse) and entirely unhelpful term in constitutional-intepretation debates?
On the question of Judge Sotomayor's views regarding abortion, which several of us have raised: I cannot imagine that anyone really doubts -- more particularly, does anyone think that President Obama has any doubts? -- that Justice Sotomayor would vote to retain the Roe / Casey regime, and would apply that regime's doctrine in such a way as to invalidate many restrictions on abortion that (i) popular opinion would support and that (ii) the "conservative" Justices would probably uphold. Elections have consequences, obviously. That said, she does not appear, based on the evidence so far, to be a zealot on the matter (I have noted elsewhere that aspects of her religious-freedom work is encouraging to me), and one could see her selection as confirming, yet again, President Obama's political skills (because the recent polls we have been discussing might indicate that a full-on, center-stage Judiciary-Committee-and-beyond fight about abortion might not, at this moment, be in the President's best interest).
Eduardo's post (come home, Eduardo), to which Michael linked, is helpful and it reminded me, among other things, of how loathesome the attacks were (and continue to be) on Justice Thomas's (J.D. Yale) intelligence. As Eduardo put it, the "racism" charge is "not a charge that [one should] throw around lightly, but in [that] case it may have some merit."
And, for what it's worth, I agree that among the worst possible things -- for those of us who would prefer more "conservative" policies and administrations -- about this nomination so far is the fact that people like Pat Buchanan are playing completely to type (and, of course, enjoying much press attention for doing so) by indulging their ugly and stupid anti-Latino biases. I assume Eduardo does not think, though, that it is racist, or even inappropriate, to have questions, even doubts, about the ideas expressed in Judge Sotomayor's Berkley essay?
Finally, I cannot resist expressing some irritation at the suggestions -- not by Eduardo, but in some quarters -- that Judge Sotomayor is untouchable because she is Latina, or that Republicans raise questions at their peril, because Latinos will rightly resent anything short of a coronation. Miguel Estrada must be thinking, "if only that were true!" As my colleague, Bill Kelley, explains here, questions are appropriate, even if the outcome is certain and even if the Republicans decide not to follow the Democrats' recent example (in the Alito and Roberts contexts) and not to vote against obviously well qualified nominees entirely for ideological reasons.
Catholics and the Court
A newspaper reporter just asked me a few questions about the whole "Catholics and the Court" issue. Here is what I said / wrote:
1. Why do you think there are so many Catholic Supreme Court justices?
Part of the answer would be that, for a large part of American history, Catholics were often excluded from the universities, law schools, law firms, and social circles from which Justices of the Supreme Court would have been drawn. And so, the fact that we moved from having "a Catholic seat" on the Court to -- starting with Justice Scalia and running now through Judge Sotomayor -- reflects, in part, the fact that the religious demographics of elite lawyers are starting, belatedly, to come in line with the demographics of the United States.
Another part of the answer is connected to the fact that the current five Catholics were appointed by Republican, "conservative" Presidents. Before the Roe decision, and the political re-alignments of the 1970s, most Catholics in America were Democrats. But, as I suggested earlier, they were not (as a general matter) in the "club" of those who were potential nominees. However, because of cultural shifts in America, and the salience of life-issues, many more American Catholics have grown more "conservative" in their political orientation and in their thinking about the role of courts. So, after 1980, a Republican President looking for nominees who were both well qualified and conservative in terms of judicial philosophy would have confronted a "pool" that -- unlike the pool *before* these changes -- included many Catholics. Put simply, if a President was looking for -- and, since 1980, Presidents picking Justices often have been looking for -- a judicial conservative with good credentials, such a President was inevitably going to pick from a list that included many Catholics.
2. Does it matter -- in terms of legal decision-making, the place of
Catholics in American culture, or in some other way?
It does not matter so much in terms of legal decision-making. After all, *every* judge or Justice (not just a Catholic one), should aspire to judge impartially, to avoid substituting his or her own policy preferences for the content of the law, and so on. Even in "hot button" cases about social-issues, the job of a Catholic judge or Justice is not to find a way to a substantive outcome that lines up with Catholic teachings on such issues, but to reach the legally correct result. Of course, to the extent that judges are shaped -- as we all are, and as every judge is -- by experiences, values, and moral commitments, we might expect that the Catholic faith and tradition have played a role in shaping a Catholic judge's world-view. But again, a judge's world-view and personal experiences should not, as a general matter, determine the outcomes that judge reaches.
It does matter, though, in terms of what it says about America. For too long, ugly and crude anti-Catholic prejudice was a staple of American life, even in polite society. We should hope that this bias is receding.
Wednesday, May 27, 2009
Sotomayor and religious freedom
Prof. Howard Friedman, at the "Religion Clause" blog, has collected Judge Sotomayor's religious-freedom decisions, here. In my view, notwithstanding the (unsurprising) fact that my strong preference would have been for Justice Souter to have been replaced by someone selected by Pres. McCain, Judge Sotomayor's religious-liberty decisions -- especially her dissent in Hankins (on the ministerial exception) -- are encouraging.
Tuesday, May 26, 2009
Six (!!!) Catholics on the Court?
So, it sounds like President Obama will nominate Judge Sonia Sotomayor to replace Justice Souter. Could it be that we will soon have a Supreme Court that is two-thirds Catholic (and 1/9th "White Anglo-Saxon Protestant")? Poor Chris Hitchens! And now for some bold punditry: I am going to go out on a limb an predict that we will not seen op-eds like this one if Justice Sotomayor's votes are consonant with the social-justice teachings of the Catholic Church.
Sunday, May 24, 2009
More on religious freedom, exemptions, and SSM
Picking up on Bill A.'s recent Prawfsblawg post (here), I thought MOJ readers might be interested in this piece, by Peter Steinfels, in the Times ("Same-Sex Marriage Laws Pose Protection Quandary"), and this post, by Andy Koppelman, at Balkinization ("Support Your Local Bigot"). Both items relate to the efforts of several law professors (including Michael Perry, Doug Laycock, and Andy -- here is their letter to New Hampshire's governor -- and Robin Wilson, Carl Esbeck, Tom Berg, and me -- here is our letter).
Andy's thoughts regarding the question, "what is bigotry, anyway, and why is it a bad thing?" are interesting: "Bigotry is wrong for two reasons", he writes, "First, it harms the people who are its objects. Second, it is a moral failing on the part of the bigot. It is important to distinguish these." In his view, the objection to religious-liberty exemptions to same-sex marriage laws cannot really be that they will harm gay people, "because they will only be invoked by a few people and won’t have much effect on gay people’s opportunities. It is rather that we shouldn’t accommodate bigotry." And, in his view, there is no need to "beat up on" "antigay bigots, even the morally reprehensible ones," if "they can be rendered harmless."
Like Andy, I do not believe that all of those who support (as I do) and who would invoke religious-liberty exemptions from SSM laws are "bigots." (I suspect Andy would be generous in admitting people to his category of those "on that side of the political divide who . . . are honestly doing their best to pursue the right as it is given to them to see the right.") I do believe, though, that anyone who would claim the label "liberal" should support at least some such exemptions -- not simply because it is not worth the candle to beat up on "harmless" bigots -- but because the refusal (and even, frankly, the reluctance) to concede that there are some contexts or spheres (e.g., the internal polity and practices of a religious community) into which liberal norms need not extend and upon which they should not be imposed is profoundly illiberal.