Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Sunday, July 8, 2012

"The Dis-Integration of Neutrality"

As Marc noted a few days ago, my friend and former colleague, Steve Smith, is blogging over at St. John's' Center for Law and Religion Forum.  Here is his latest post, "The Dis-Integration of Neutrality," which is, like everything Steve writes, a must-read.  Here's a taste:

Most of so-called neutralities (non-sectarianism, for example) are upon examination not really versions of neutrality: at least they do not fit the official specifications or deliver what “neutrality” was supposed to deliver.  And, alas, the only version of neutrality that seems on its face truly neutral . . . is impossible and self-negating, as critics argue.  It is only through obfuscation and equivocation that we manage to avoid this distressing verdict, and to persist in professing an ideal that we are not prepared to relinquish. . .

But why does “neutrality” have such a powerful spell over us?  A principal reason, I suspect, is because to admit that neutrality is impossible and that governments are not, never have been, and never could be religiously neutral might imply that we ought candidly to explain why our governments in fact favor some religious (or anti-religious) positions and reject others.  And as things stand, “we” as a society are constitutionally unprepared to do that. . . .

 

Friday, July 6, 2012

"Understanding the HHS lawsuits"

Here is a short piece I did, on the HHS lawsuits, for the Notre Dame alumni magazine.  I end with this:

In a pluralistic society governed by the rule of law, religious liberty is not absolute. And the responsibility of public authorities to the common good and public order means that balancing, trade-offs and compromise are unavoidable. At the same time, a political community like ours, with laws and a Constitution like ours, should respect and cherish religious freedom and should accommodate distinctive religious claims and obligations generously, not reluctantly.

In this case, a policy that better respects the religious mission, character and integrity of institutions like Notre Dame was and is available. For example, the government could use and expand existing federal programs, like Medicaid, to provide employees of the relatively few objecting religious institutions with preventive-services coverage. Such an approach would avoid most of the religious-freedom issues without sacrificing what the Obama Administration regards as the policy’s benefits.

Of course, to cherish religious freedom is not necessarily to welcome federal litigation. It would have been wrong for Catholic institutions to sue unnecessarily, prematurely, “for show” or to score political points. In this case, though, it would have been risky and unreasonable to delay. Political operatives of all stripes will, no doubt, try to use both the mandate and the challenges to it for their own purposes, but the decision to sue was both principled and prudent, because religious freedom is both foundational and vulnerable.

Monday, July 2, 2012

20 years of progress after Casey

Clarke Forsythe reflects on the progress made by the pro-life cause during the 20 years since Casey

Among other things, Clarke's piece makes me feel really old.  The then-just-decided Casey decision was the reading assignment for my first class in law school, "Constitutional Law" with Joe Goldstein.  (My recollection is that my views about the case were not shared by the majority of my classmates!)

Friday, June 29, 2012

Good news from New Hampshire

What seems to a right-direction trend towards school choice continues now in New Hampshire.  (Story here.)

The Legislature . . . overrode [Gov.] Lynch's tax-credit veto for businesses contributing to educational programs. The bill is intended to help some public school students switch to private schools.

Lynch argued the bill would allow private organizations to determine the use of public education funds and would shift limited state money away from public schools because districts would lose state education aid for each student receiving a scholarship.

"No parent should be forced to send a child to school that does not meet the child's needs," O'Brien said. "This is good legislation to allow parents to give their children the best chance possible to succeed. It makes school choice a reality for many children who lack the ability to find an educational environment where they can thrive."

Two (other) cases of note

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit has decided, in recent days, two important decisions that should be of interest to MOJ readers.  First, in this case, the court invalidated a Baltimore rule requiring that "limited-service pregnancy centers" post signs saying that they "do[ ] not provide or make referral for abortion or birth control services."  The rule's defenders had argued that this speech-compulsion was a permissible regulation of "commercial speech" (which enjoys reduced First Amendment protection) and this argument was rejected.  (More here.) And, as Marc reports here, the court in this case held that it does not violate the Establishment Clause to allow public-school students to receive "two academic credits for off-campus religious instruction offered by private educators."  Both results, in my view, are welcome.

Wednesday, June 27, 2012

Bishop Philip Tartaglia on Religious Freedom

Public Discourse has an essay up by Bishop Philip Tartaglia, of Paisley, Scotland, called "At the Door of the Temple:  Religious Freedom and the New Orthodoxy."  Check it out.  I was, as it happens, at a conference in Oxford a few months ago at which Bishop Tartaglia presented these remarks, and I thought his was a powerful lecture.

Peter Singer on Religious Freedom

A few days ago, at First Things, Joe Knippenberg linked to a piece by Peter Singer, "The Use and Abuse of Religious Freedom."  Singer's view, it appears, is that religious freedom is not violated when religious exercise is burdened, disincentivized, discouraged, or discriminated against, but only when something that is religiously mandated is prohibited by the government.  A crabbed view, to say the least.

"Just and Unjust Peace"

I just received my copy of my friend and colleague Dan Philpott's new book, Just and Unjust Peace.  I think this book will be of interest to a broad range of people, including criminal-law scholars engaged with punishment-theory and restorative-justice questions.  Here is the O.U.P. blurb:

In the wake of massive injustice, how can justice be achieved and peace restored? Is it possible to find a universal standard that will work for people of diverse and often conflicting religious, cultural, and philosophical backgrounds?

  In Just and Unjust Peace, Daniel Philpott offers an innovative and hopeful response to these questions. He challenges the approach to peace-building that dominates the United Nations, western governments, and the human rights community. While he shares their commitments to human rights and democracy, Philpott argues that these values alone cannot redress the wounds caused by war, genocide, and dictatorship. Both justice and the effective restoration of political order call for a more holistic, restorative approach. Philpott answers that call by proposing a form of political reconciliation that is deeply rooted in three religious traditions--Christianity, Islam, and Judaism--as well as the restorative justice movement. These traditions offer the fullest expressions of the core concepts of justice, mercy, and peace. By adapting these ancient concepts to modern constitutional democracy and international norms, Philpott crafts an ethic that has widespread appeal and offers real hope for the restoration of justice in fractured communities. From the roots of these traditions, Philpott develops six practices--building just institutions and relations between states, acknowledgment, reparations, restorative punishment, apology and, most important, forgiveness--which he then applies to real cases, identifying how each practice redresses a unique set of wounds.

  Focusing on places as varied as Bosnia, Iraq, South Africa, Germany, Sierra Leone, Timor-Leste, Chile and many others--and drawing upon the actual experience of victims and perpetrators--Just and Unjust Peace offers a fresh approach to the age-old problem of restoring justice in the aftermath of widespread injustice.

I also really liked this bit, from The New Republic:  "Just and Unjust Peace is a book of optimism, of hope, of insistently seeing the glass as half full. Humane but not fatuous or sappy, it is the exit ramp off Apocalypse Highway."

The 10th anniversary of a great day at the Court

I know that the world is focused on the upcoming Affordable Care Act decisions, but, ten years ago today, the Supreme Court decided, in an opinion authored by Chief Justice Rehnquist, Zelman v. Simmons-Harris, which upheld the Cleveland school-choice program and made it clear that the First Amendment does not disable governments from meaningful and nondiscriminatory choice-based education reform.  As I contended, ten years ago in Commonweal, Zelman was a great "win" for social justice, religious freedom, and equal opportunity.  For more, see my "The Right Questions about School Choice:  Education, Religious Freedom, and the Common Good" (here). 

 

Monday, June 25, 2012

Religious Freedom and the Nondiscrimination Norm

Here's a paper of mine, "Religious Freedom and the Nondiscrimination Norm", written for a (great) conference last year at the University of Alabama, which was organized by Austin Sarat and Paul Horwitz.

Abstract:
    
“Discrimination,” we believe, is wrong. And, because “discrimination” is wrong, we believe that governments like ours – secular, liberal, constitutional governments – may, and should, take
regulatory and other steps to prevent, discourage, and denounce it. However, it is not true that “discrimination” is always or necessarily wrong. Nor is it the case that governments always or necessarily should or may regulate or discourage it even when it is. Some wrongs are beyond the authorized reach of government policy; some are too difficult or costly to identify, let alone regulate; others are none of the government’s business.

When we say that “discrimination” is wrong, what we actually mean is that wrongful discrimination is wrong, and when we affirm that governments should oppose it we mean that governments should oppose it when it makes sense, all things considered, and when it is within their constitutionally and morally limited powers to do so. To label a decision or action “discrimination” is simply to note that one factor or another was or will be taken into account in the course of a decision; it is to invite, but not at all to answer, the questions whether that decision or action was or would be wrong, and whether the public authority may or should forbid or discourage
it.

The important enterprise of respecting and protecting religious freedom in and through law is closely related, in several ways, to the also-important enterprise of deploying public power to identify, regulate, and discourage wrongful discrimination. It is suggested in this chapter the
rhetorical, moral, and legal power of the antidiscrimination norm can sometimes distort or distract our thinking about how we do and should protect religious freedom through law. This is because the near-universal, if sometimes unreflective, conviction that “discrimination” is wrong means that assertions of religious freedom are sometimes heard as requests that the political authorities
tolerate a wrong – i.e., “discrimination” – which they would otherwise prohibit, penalize, or discourage. Such requests then raise the question whether it is “worth it” for the authorities to do so – that is, whether doing so would complicate too much the government’s own projects or conflict too glaringly with its values—and so, when they are granted, accommodations are regarded all around as concessions. Sometimes, to be sure, we do and probably should think about
legal rights as protecting, or simply tolerating, a liberty to do even the wrong thing (so long as the wrong thing is not too wrong). We should not forget, though, that a dimension of the freedom of religion is, sometimes, precisely the freedom to “discriminate,” and that this freedom should be protected not simply because such discrimination is an all-things-considered tolerable wrong –
sometimes it is, sometimes it isn’t – but because it is inextricably tied to a human right and is, sometimes, beyond political authorities’ legitimate reach.