Monday, August 12, 2013
Jean Bethke Elshtain, R.I.P.
Friday, August 9, 2013
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Thursday, August 8, 2013
An interesting religious-accommodation case from the CTA7
Here is the CTA7's opinion (per Judge Hamilton) in Adeyeye v. Heartland Sweeteners. As The Indiana Lawyer puts it, "[a] Nigerian employee who asked his employer for time off work to attend his father’s burial rights and was fired when he returned is entitled to a day in court, the 7th Circuit Court of Appeals held Wednesday." Of particular interest, I think, is what the court had to say about the suggestion by the employer that the employee's religious beliefs were not "sincerely" held:
“The prospect that courts would begin to inquire into the personal reasons an
individual has for holding a religious belief would create a slippery slope we
have no desire to descend. Has the plaintiff had a true conversion experience?
Is he following religious practices that are embedded in his culture and family
upbringing? Is he making Pascal’s coldly rational wager to believe in God based
on his self-interest? These questions are simply not an appropriate or
necessary line of inquiry for courts.”
In my view, Judge Hamilton put the matter well: It is true that Title VII
only requires accommodation of employees’ religious beliefs, obligations, and
practices if the employee is “sincere”, but it is also true that courts wisely
avoid getting into psycho-analyzing or finely parsing the reasons *why*
a religious belief is held. (After all, isn't the answer, in the end, often "grace"?) The “sincerity” inquiry functions as a filter, to weed out sham and disingenuous claims for accommodation, but it is not supposed to authorize a judicial inquiry into the genealogy of a claimant’s religious beliefs.
Tuesday, August 6, 2013
Pope Francis, evangelization, and freedom
In his message for World Mission Day, Pope Francis affirmed that "publicly witnessing to Christ" should not be seen -- as it sometimes is, by those who would regulate conversions, missionary work, "proselytism" and the like -- as an "assault on others' freedom." (Story here.)
Francis commented on an obstacle to evangelization that comes from the idea that "proclaiming the truth of the Gospel means an assault on freedom."
Quoting Paul VI in Evangelii Nuntiandi, he said: "It would be ... an error to impose something on the consciences of our brethren. But to propose to their consciences the truth of the Gospel and salvation in Jesus Christ, with complete clarity and with total respect for free options which it presents ... is a tribute to this freedom."
Francis said we must always have "the courage and the joy of proposing, with respect, an encounter with Christ."
This is important, I think. A few years ago -- two papacies ago! -- I wrote a short essay called "Changing Minds: Proselytism, Religious Freedom, and the First Amendment", that dealt with some of these same issues. The abstract:
Proselytism is, as Paul Griffiths has observed, a topic enjoying renewed attention in recent years. What's more, the practice, aims, and effects of proselytism areincreasingly framed not merely in terms of piety and zeal; they are seen as
matters of geopolitical, cultural, and national-security significance as well.
Indeed, it is fair to say that one of today's more pressing challenges is the
conceptual and practical tangle of religious liberty, free expression, cultural
integrity, and political stability. This essay is an effort to unravel that
tangle by drawing on the religious-freedom-related work and teaching of the late
Pope John Paul II and on a salient theme in the law interpreting the Free Speech
Clause of the First Amendment.
Running through and shaping our First Amendment doctrines, precedents, and values is a solicitude for changing minds - our own, as well as others'. Put differently, the Amendment is understood as protecting and celebrating not just expression but persuasion - or, if you like, proselytism. There are, therefore, reasons grounded in our Constitution and traditions for regarding proselytism and its legal protection not as threats to the common good and the freedom of conscience, but instead as integral to the flourishing and good exercise of that freedom. This same solicitude for persuasion and freedom pervades the writing of Pope John Paul II, who regularly insisted that the Church's evangelical mission does not restrict freedom but rather promotes it. The Church proposes - thereby inviting the exercise of human freedom - she imposes nothing. The claim here, then, is that proposing, persuading, proselytizing, and evangelizing are at the heart of, and need not undermine, not only the freedoms protected by the Constitution, but also those that are inherent in our dignity as human persons.
Lund on Church Autonomy after Hosanna-Tabor
Prof. Chris Lund is one of the best younger scholars working on law and religion questions, I think -- I'm also delighted that he'll be visiting and teaching at Notre Dame this coming semester! -- and he has posted a very good new paper on SSRN. Here is the abstract for "Church Autonomy Reconceived: The Logic and Limits of Hosanna-Tabor":
Last term, in Hosanna-Tabor v. EEOC, the Supreme Court held that the First Amendment precludes ministers from bringing employment-related claims against their churches. In some ways, Hosanna-Tabor changed little. The lower courts had all reached that conclusion already, though the Supreme Court slightly expanded the breadth of the so-called ministerial exception. More important is how Hosanna-Tabor reconceptualized things, especially in how it pushed back somewhat against the Supreme Court’s imperial decision in Employment Division v. Smith, where the Court had broadly held that the Free Exercise Clause did not entitle religious believers to exemptions from generally applicable laws.
Hosanna-Tabor could end up an isolated anomaly, a peculiar concession to the importance of ministers and the intrusiveness of employment discrimination laws, a railroad ticket good for one day and train only. But the Court’s opinion speaks of a broader principle, a principle whose boundaries it consciously puts off defining. And when one looks at the cases being decided in the lower courts, one is struck by how so many decisions seem to fall within Hosanna-Tabor’s principle. From employment discrimination law to labor law, from contract to tort, lower courts regularly dismiss all manner of cases in ways incompatible with Smith and for reasons akin to those given in Hosanna-Tabor. This Article looks at that universe of cases, reflects on some patterns that emerge, and works toward an explanation for what is happening and how courts should handle these issues across the board.
Now, my own view is that the contradiction that many see between Smith and Hosanna-Tabor is overstated. (See this essay of mine, "The Political (and Other) Safeguards of Religious Freedom", for more.) But, I'm in the minority . . . so I guess I'm wrong! In any event, check out Prof. Lund's paper.
"Catholic Conservatives and the Republican Party" and libertarianism (again!)
Here is a post, at "ReligiousLeftLaw," by MOJ-friend Steve Shiffrin. The post follows up on an essay by Rusty Reno, the editor of First Things, called "Our Challenges." Steve's political priors and premises are not -- at least, some of them are not -- mine, but I'm interested in the exchange not for what it says about the Democratic and Republican parties, or about the "which party should Catholics support?" question, but because of the interesting, shared concern (shared, that is, by Reno and Shiffrin) for "libertarian excesses." (Such "excesses" exist, of course, in both of America's major parties.) And, in recent days, an entertaining, even if not edifying, public debate -- involving Rand Paul, Chris Christie, George Will, and others -- about "libertarianism" and its alleged dangers.
For purposes of Mirror of Justice's mission -- i.e., "developing a Catholic Legal Theory" -- it seems important to consider working through the important and difficult question, "to what extent and in what way should our positive laws be 'libertarian'?" The quick response, "they shouldn't be" seems wrong, for the usual Aquinas / Murray reasons. Catholicism proposes -- at the heart of the Church's social teachings -- an account of the person that is in tension, to be sure, with the premises that inform some versions of libertarianism. We are all familiar with these points of tension. At the same time, and as Prof. Patrick Clark discussed not long ago at the Catholic Moral Theology blog, there are important and valuable ways in which "libertarianism" -- or a libertarian sensibility -- can check and constrain statism, monism, collectivism, and the like. Identifying those ways and implementing them in prudent ways that support rather than undermine the Gospel's moral anthropology -- that's the challenge.
Delahunty blogging on Tocqueville's faith
Over at the Center for Law and Religion Forum, Prof. Robert Delahunty has started (what I gather is going to be) a series of posts -- "short essays dealing with the great French nineteenth century thinker Alexis de Tocqueville" -- and here is the first. Among other things, Delahunty reminds us that "however valuable Tocqueville remains as a student of culture and society [RG: very valuable, in my view], his thinking pivots on religion and its varied relationships to political regimes."
And, while I'm at it, here's another in the series ("Tocqueville on Religion and the Limits of the Political Imagination"), in which Delahunty considers the "unsettling paradox" that Tocqueville "seems to be saying both that Christianity informs, shapes, limits and constrains the political beliefs of the Americans, and that the Americans' political beliefs inform, shape, limit and constrain their Christianity."
Confusion about corporations and religious freedom
This piece by Dahlia Lithwick ("All Corporations Go to Heaven") is -- like so much of what she writes -- entertaining and snappily written, but also (in my view) mistaken in places. Read it for yourself but, for what they're worth, here are two thoughts of mine:
First, it does not seem helpful to describe the issue presented in the Hobby Lobby case as whether "CEOs can impose their religious convictions on the people who work for them." The word "impose" suggests, it seems to me, some kind of coercion -- an effort to require another person to affirm what one affirms or to live in accord with one's religious obligations. Lithwick (like the many others who frame the issue this way) uses "impose" to mean (I think) "act in accord with their own religious convictions, or run their business in accord with those convictions, in such a way that third parties are affected in some way." But third-parties are "affected" by the exercise of legal and constitutional rights all the time. Certainly, no employee of Hobby Lobby is, or would be, required by virtue of their employment to affirm what the "CEO" believes or to live his or her own life in accord with the CEO's religious convictions. The employee would, of course, be affected by those convictions (because he or she would not get free contraception) and the question is whether the government has a sufficiently weighty reason -- one that is weighty enough to justify burdening religious exercise -- for preventing it.
A second thought: Although I realize that our doctrines and the relevant statutory language put us on this track, it does not seem to me that the question presented in a case like Hobby Lobby (or like Notre Dame's own case) is not "does a corporation have free-exercise rights?" The better way to think about it, I think, is to look at the relevant state action, and to ask, "is the government acting in a way that burdens religious exercise or violates the no-establishment norm." The First Amendment, after all, is not (only) a collection of claims or entitlements that individuals and entities have (or don't have). It's a command to the government: Don't violate "the freedom of speech"; don't burden the "exercise of religion."
It is obvious that some regulations of corporations violate "the freedom of speech." And, we can evaluate (and invalidate) such regulations without asking whether corporations have souls, or consciences, or beliefs, or selves-in-need-of-actualization. It seems equally obvious that some regulations of corporations -- including for-profit corproations -- can burden religious exercise (e.g., "no business corporation may sell Kosher meat") and so can (but might not) violate RFRA or the First Amendment. Whether or not they do depends, again, on a variety of factors (e.g., the presence of denominational line-drawing or discriminatory intent, the feasibility of accommodation, etc.).
Yielding to Twitter
Sunday, July 28, 2013