Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Thursday, October 27, 2011

Augsburgian Interlude

In light of some of the discussions here and there with respect to the recent "note" and the call for a supranational Authority, here's a little historical mood music on the subject by Michael McConnell:

The idea of civil control over the Church was difficult to maintain during the days of a single universal Catholic Church with its headquarters in Rome.  Church-state relations in those days almost inevitably consisted of conflict and negotiation between two institutionally separate authorities: the Church in Rome and the civil power, usually the monarch, in various nations of Europe.  Neither could completely control the other.  With the outbreak of the Protestant Reformation, however, governmental power over each national church became more feasible.  Indeed, with the Peace of Augsburg in 1555, the principle that the prince had authority to determine the religion for his nation (“cuius regio, eius religio”) became a staple of international relations.

Michael W. McConnell, Establishment and Disestablishment at the Founding, Part I: Establishment of Religion, 44 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 2105, 2191 (2003). [x-posted CLR Forum] 

Wednesday, October 26, 2011

Koritansky's "Thomas Aquinas and the Philosophy of Punishment"

I am very excited to read this new book by Peter Karl Koritansky (University of Prince Edward Island), KOTAThomas Aquinas and the Philosophy of Punishment (CUA Press 2011).  My own view is that punishment theory and punishment policy might greatly benefit from a historical turn, rediscovering (or, often enough, discovering for the first time) the richness and depth of perspectives on punishment which have, for one reason or another, been forgotten in the historical firmament or perhaps even ignored altogether. 

Thomas Aquinas is neither forgotten nor ignored, but this is one of the only full-length book treatments of his thought about punishment of which I am aware, and it is certainly the only one which connects directly to the present debate about punishment theory and punishment practice today.  Cool. 

The publisher's description is after the jump. [x-posted CLR Forum]

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Monday, October 24, 2011

Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace's Note on Financial Reform

This is a powerfully expressed statement by the Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace on the current financial maladies facing the world and the need for top-down reform.  All of the recommendations warrant sustained thought, and most are well beyond my capacity to assess.

One thing that I did not remember is the call of Pope John XXIII in Pacem in Terris for a "true world political authority" to emerge to serve the common good of humanity.  This vision is taken up by the Council, which talks about the need for "a supranational Authority" to take charge of these matters in light of what is seen as a movement toward greater globalization.  The Council's recommendations are cautious in this respect, but they are striking nevertheless.  It also seemed to me, especially after reading Mark Movsesian's post here, that thoughts about a truly transnational, global authority reflect a perhaps distinctively Catholic way to envision the problem of human authority, to be contrasted with the more Protestant view of state sovereignty described and championed by Vattel and others.  These perennial differences never really are resolved.

UPDATE: Sorry, I see Rob is a step ahead of me below.

Friday, October 21, 2011

The Retributivist Tradition and Its Future -- November 4 at St. John's Law School

If you are in or about New York City on November 4, please consider attending The Retributivist41HaPyMl0ML__SL500_AA300_ Tradition And Its Future at St. John's University School of Law.  The conference will take up many of the chapters in Retributivism: Essays on Theory and Policy (Mark D. White, ed., 2011).  My own small contribution to the conference, which I'm still chewing over, might be titled something like, "The Retributivst Tradition As Its Future."

The conference description follows and the program is after the jump.  Hope you can make it. 

Retributivism as a justification of punishment is a very old idea, with sources in ancient codes of religious law and morality. After a period of dormancy in the 20th century, retributivism is now ascendant again as a theory of punishment, as scholars have reinterpreted the commitment to just desert in novel and provocative ways.

This conference, The Retributivist Tradition and Its Future, brings together leading thinkers in punishment theory to reflect on retributivism's past and present, with an eye toward what retributivism and punishment theory generally might become. Many of the speakers are also contributors to the recently published volume, Retributivism: Essays on Theory and Policy (Mark D. White, ed., OUP 2011), which will also be considered at the conference.

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Wednesday, October 19, 2011

The Talking Cure Redux

In this post from a few weeks back, I registered some thoughts about the current media interest in taking religion seriously.  That post was about the rather low probability that media attention to a candidate's references to religion, or about how a religious tradition has shaped the candidate's political judgment, will enhance the voting public's understanding of the candidate and his or her views.  Much more probable, I claimed, was that religion would be used strategically by the journalist or media member in a clownish fashion simply to reaffirm and harden the author's pre-existing political views and opinions, or those of her audience.

I noted that one often hears two kinds of response to this claim, which I called Response One and Response Two.  Response One is to blame the candidate -- the door was opened by the candidate, and the media and the rest of us went through.  In the rough and tumble of politics, religion can be either the candidate's rhetorical armor or the sharp stick with which he can be gleefully gored by his opponents.  Response Two had to do with good faith and searching engagement with the candidate's religious views to understand his political outlook.  Response One, I argued, far better represented the profound shallowness of our current political culture (with honorable exceptions, to be sure).  

I know that citations to Maureen Dowd's work are generally met with dyspepsia, but she does write for the leading newspaper in the nation, and this column about Mitt Romney and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints seems to me to be an exemplar of Response One engagement with religion.  Note, first, the opening-the-door move at the end of the piece -- that the candidate is fair game for the media hunter loaded for bear: "Republicans are the ones who made faith part of the presidential test.  Now we'll see if Mitt can pass it."  And the entire point of the column is to ridicule, to laugh, to dismiss, to giggle, to smear, and to lampoon -- all in the service of scoring cheap and shallow political points.  What else?  That's simply the nature of the game.

The surprising thing is not, of course, that Dowd would write a column like this.  Nor is it that Response One discourse is far and away the dominant form of public engagement with religion -- in the nation's leading newspaper perhaps even more than anywhere else.  The surprising thing is that we academics would ever think otherwise, that we would imagine that because Response Two sometimes (though not always) can be found in the academy, that it must also have traction in today's political climate.  The surprise is that we would delude ourselves that Response Two might someday supplant Response One, or at least that we might eventually get more of Response Two engagement if we let loose the Response One dogs.  What we will get is what we largely always get from political speech-making and the media's political reaction to it, whether religion gets sprinkled in or not: low-grade chatter.     

Tuesday, October 18, 2011

Legal Indictments and Indictments of Other Kinds

When someone is indicted in criminal law, the meaning of the indictment is that a grand jury has found that it is more probable than not that the accused has committed a specific criminal offense.  An indictment is an accusation by the government.  The accused cannot be brought to trial without it.  One ought to take note of an indictment, but one ought also to recognize that different standards of proof govern indictments than criminal trials and that little in the way of evidence is often needed to obtain an indictment.  Lastly, there is generally no opportunity to present exculpatory evidence or make any pre-trial motons in the indictment process.  The indictment is the prosecutor's instrument alone.  I know that most posters here will know this, but I thought it might be useful to clarify the specific and limited quality of a legal indictment since, as Rob notes below, Bishop Finn was indicted under a Missouri statute.  I believe, but am not sure, that the statute is section 210.115.1 of the Missouri Code, which states:

When any . . .  minister . . . has reasonable cause to suspect that a child has been or may be subjected to abuse or neglect or observes a child being subjected to conditions or circumstances which would reasonably result in abuse or neglect, that person shall immediately report or cause a report to be made to the division in accordance with the provisions of sections 210.109 to 210.183 . . . .

One of the reasons that I think it important to emphasize the particular and somewhat arcane legal meaning of an indictment is because of columns like this one by Anthea Butler, a professor of religion at the University of Pennsylvania, who titles her piece, "Bishop Finn-dicted For Protecting Pedophile Priest." 

Professor Butler properly notes the fact of Bishop Finn's indictment, but then makes some statements which, at least from a legal perspective, are not sound.  She claims, for example, that "the indictment is another warning shot aimed at the enclave of the Vatican."  The expression of symbolic minatory messages is not the purpose of a legal indictment.  She connects the indictment to "[c]hanges to the liturgy" which she believes "have many up in arms[.]"  Again, liturgical preferences have nothing at all to do with this indictment.  She claims that "Cardinals and Bishops like Philadelphia’s Bishop Chaput can only whine about how terrible the press is, without being accountable for the actions that have caused the press to scrutinize the church so intensely."  If this is a reference to the indictment of Bishop Finn, I'm afraid it is misplaced.  "Cardinals and Bishops like Philadelphia's Bishop Chaput" had no legal duty to report child abuse under the Missouri statute. 

And Professor Butler concludes with this: "The church does not need another plan; what’s needed is action and more indictments to get the attention of an institution that has sacrificed children to protect its rotten hierarchy. I for one cannot wait for the real purge of tainted clerics to happen."  Once again, Professor Butler's excitement for the coming purge and the issuance of "more indictments" has nothing to do with the legal indictment of Bishop Finn. 

Obviously Professor Butler is interested in indictments of other kinds -- political, social, cultural, religious -- but these are not legal indictments, and I think it important to keep the difference clearly in view.

ADDENDUM: The state prosecutor in the case, Jackson County Prosecutor Jean Peters Baker, rightly notes what this criminal indictment is all about.  From the linked report: "Baker emphasized that the pursuit of the case was the result of a grand jury investigation.  'I've done my best to make sure that this was a fair process,' she said.  'This has nothing -- nothing -- to do with the Catholic faith.  This is about the facts of the case, nothing more.  This is about protecting children.'"

Sunday, October 16, 2011

Infernal Obsolescence

This is an interesting piece by J. Peter Nixon about how traditional views of hell are increasingly seen as tiresome, motivationally inefficacious, and generally outré.  The story neglects an important piece of the banalization of hell, of course.  From Sartre's No Exit -- as you remember, the scene is a drawing room decorated in Second Empire furnishings (which I've always kind of liked, though to Sartre's modernist taste, it looked "rather like a dentist's waiting room") in which three people are trapped with nothing but each other:

Garcin: Will night never come?77

Inez: Never.

Garcin: You will always see me?

Inez: Always.

Garcin: This bronze.  Yes, now's the moment; I'm looking at this thing on the mantelpiece, and I understand that I'm in hell.  I tell you, everything's been thought out beforehand.  They knew I'd stand at the fireplace stroking this thing of bronze, with all those eyes intent on me.  Devouring me.  What?  Only two of you?  I thought there were more; many more.  So this is hell.  I'd never have believed it.  You remember all we were told about the torture-chambers, the fire and brimstone, the "burning marl."  Old-wives' tales!  There's no need for red-hot pokers.  Hell is -- other people! 

Friday, October 14, 2011

More Questions: the Government's Position in Hosanna-Tabor

It has been difficult for me to get a fix on the government's position in Hosanna-Tabor.  I posted some initial questions about it here.  Leslie Griffin offers thoughts about what Assistant SG Kruger should have said, but did not say, here.

Here is another piece of the puzzle (courtesy of Chris Lund, with whom I've been trying to hash some of this out), from the government's brief (40-41):

Cases in which the religious employer offers a reason relating to an evaluation of the plaintiff's performance of religious functions for an adverse action pose the greatest risk of entanglement.  If, for example, Petitioner in this case had claimed it fired Perich because she was insufficiently spiritual, it would be constitutionally problematic for Perich to challenge that assessment in precisely the same way that an employee of a nonreligious employer might attempt to challenge a comparable subjective defense in a secular setting, e.g., that she was insufficiently professional.  By contending that she was in fact just as spiritual or more spiritual than other teachers, Perich's claim would risk entangling the Court in religious questions beyond its adjudicative capacity.  In such cases, the district court could limit the pretext inquiry to cordon off challenges to the religious organization's religious assessment.  If Plaintiff's only pretext evidence consisted of a challenge to that assessment, then the suit might have to be dismissed altogether.

I'm having trouble with this view -- not even from the point of view of agreement or disagreement, merely from the perspective of understanding it.  Some questions after the jump.

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Wednesday, October 12, 2011

Reid on State v. Walker

If you have a little time to spend with this paper by Prof. Charles Reid, I highly recommend it.  It's a historical treatment of a late-nineteenth century Kansas case which, Prof. Reid argues, was one of the first to grapple with some of the ideas of privacy which have since become watchwords of our substantive due process law.  It's a long piece, and I haven't finished it yet, but it's well worth it and loaded with interesting historical nuggets. 

Monday, October 10, 2011

Why Are You Interested in Law and Religion?

My colleague, Mark Movsesian, is at a conference in Prague organized by Vaclav Havel, and posts some thoughts about a question that he has fielded three times already.  For what it's worth, my memory of my own experiences on the legal academic market is that this question was asked of me a few times.  I don't think there is anything especially objectionable about the question, and at the time I tried to answer it forthrightly, but I have noticed that it is not generally asked of people with other academic interests that intersect with law.