Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Wednesday, January 25, 2012

Philip Hamburger at St. John's Law School

My teacher and friend, Philip Hamburger, will be visiting us at St. John's Law School next Monday, January 30, at 4:00.  His visit is the first in a new seminar that Mark Movsesian and I have put together, Colloquium in Law: Law and Religion.  Academics in the New York area and beyond are invited to attend these sessions.  Please write to me or Mark if you would like to come.

Saturday, January 21, 2012

A Structuralist Musing on "Establishment"

The Constitution uses the word "Establishment" exactly twice.  The second time is familiar to MOJ readers: "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion..."  Do you know what the first reference is?  (No peeking!...the answer, a thought, and a question after the jump)

Continue reading

Thursday, January 19, 2012

What Does It Mean to Call a Judicial Opinion Particularist?

Hosanna-Tabor has come and gone, with a flurry of commentary out of the gate (including reliably acute posts by Rick, Michael, and Tom, as well as what I thought was an interesting reflection on religious dissent by Jessie Hill here) and now a bit of (perhaps welcome!) silence.  Last week, I described the decision as particularist, but I did not define the term.  Judicial particularism is a concept that I explore in my current book project, Tragedy and History: The Quality of Religious Liberty, but for purposes of this post, I thought to offer some quick-shot thoughts about what judicial particularism might mean -- first what it does not, or need not, mean, and second what I believe it does, or at least could, mean. 

If judicial particularism is taken to mean only the simple and bland proposition that "context matters" in the adjudication of cases, then that seems fairly uncontroversial. Of course context matters.  Who would disagree?  Even those who prefer the ostensible discipline of hard rules in adjudication acknowledge that general rules are not self-applying and that the specifics of a case will and ought to affect the outcome. 

Judicial particularism also does not necessarily mean or imply adjudicatory narrowness, in the sense of deciding only the absolute minimum that one needs to dispose of the case.  It is true that often times particularistic judgments may also be narrow judgments.  Indeed, this is a position with great appeal.  But one could be both a judicial particularist and write a decision that intimates (perhaps subtly, in dicta, or perhaps implicitly, by failing to say anything) the resolution of other, future cases that are factually similar on similar grounds, or the resolution of other, future cases that are factually dissimilar on dissimilar grounds.

Following Jonathan Dancy's work on moral particularism, I take the core of judicial particularism to be that it is possible to decide cases reasonably predictably without the necessity of relying on a single general value or principle, or even a set number of general values or principles, to do so.  The sting in particularism is not that 'context matters' but that reasons or values which are important in some specific context may not be so in others.  Reasons or values do not have either constant or categorical weight across a range of disputes, or even among cases within a range, so that what is a reason for reaching a judgment in one set of circumstances may not, as Dancy puts it, retain the same "polarity" in another set of circumstances. 

I should make clear that for me the analogy from moral particularism to law is more suggestive than direct.  I do not believe that a rigorous version of particularism is well-suited to law, principally because I believe in a comparatively strong approach to the bindingness of precedent for various reasons not directly related to particularism.  But I do think that a soft particularism is one way to understand certain decisions in religion clause law, including Chief Justice Roberts's opinion in Hosanna-Tabor.  Take, for example, the Chief's discussion of the bare fact of the official title, "minister."  It seems to me that what the Chief is saying is that the Sixth Circuit was wrong completely to disregard the fact that Cheryl Perich had obtained the title of minister -- not even to consider that fact in deciding the ME question.  An official designation is often a reason to ascribe a particular legal status.  But at the same time, the Chief was very much unwilling to say that the formal title itself "automatically ensure[s] coverage."  Slip op. at 18.  The formal title is an invitation to ask more fact-specific questions about the nature of her position and the perceptions of the employer and the employee with respect to it.

Suppose it turned out that Perich had been given the title "minister" very late in the game -- on the eve of litigation, say -- precisely and solely for the reason that it would make it more likely that courts would apply the ministerial exception to her case.  It seems to me that one way to interpret the decision is that in such a case, the formal title minister would not merely be no reason to find that the exception applied.  It might in fact be a negative reason -- a reason exactly to find that the ministerial exception should not apply.  That would be an example of a reason which might have salience in one sort of context but the opposite sort of salience in another.

Or suppose instead that Perich had been given the title, "minister," but that in the particular faith under consideration, everyone who joins the religion is automatically given the title minister as a pro forma matter.  To be a minister, all one needs to do is to be nominally affiliated with the religious organization.  In that sort of case, a reason which might have salience in one sort of context would have no (but not negative) salience in this context.  

Much the same method may be applied to other sorts of reasons cited by the Court.  Take, for example, the fact that, in the Court's view, Perich held herself out as a minister of the Church.  The subjective perception of the employee with respect to the nature of his or her position, and the actions taken by the employee as a consequence of those perceptions, are, the Court seems to say, often times important reasons in determining whether the position is, in fact, "ministerial."  But one could imagine fairly easily situations in which the subjective perceptions (and consequent actions) of the employee would not count as reasons.  Suppose the employee believed in earnest that he ought to count as a minister, and held himself out as a minister, but it was plain that nobody within the religious organization ever thought the same thing.  The reasons for the employee's beliefs need not be delusional; they might be grounded in a different or dissenting set of theological or doctrinal beliefs about what the religious organization ought to require in order to be a minister.  The point is that a reason which might be salient in one context might lose its salience entirely, or at least acquire a different polarity, in another.  And the best way to achieve an evolving sense of the quality of the ministerial exception is by the accretion of cases over time which give jurisprudential shape to its content.

That is why, in my view, the staking out of a particularist approach by the Chief (with the unanimous agreement of his colleagues) -- coupled with the Court's "reluctan[ce] to adopt any test" -- at the very birth of the ministerial exception is so interesting from a doctrinal perspective.  It is somewhat more difficult to replace a hard rule with a particularist method once the hard rule has become encrusted with precedent (not at all impossible, but at least more complicated).  But by bringing the ministerial exception into being as a jurisprudential creature living in a particularist legal world, the Court (all 9 of them) has set the future of the ME on a decidedly common law course.  I may be wrong, but I do not believe this has happened in any other corner of religion clause law.  It will be interesting to see how the ME develops through the years, nurtured on the diet of common law constitutionalism.     

Friday, January 13, 2012

Can a Judge Refuse to Conduct a Gay Marriage?

Here's one right in the Vischer wheelhouse.  This is the question that an anonymous New York judge asked the New York Judicial Ethics Committee.  In this judicial ethics opinion, the Committee largely did not answer it, though it did opine that the judge could choose to conduct only those weddings of his relatives and friends.  That would be tantamount, in the Committee's view, to refusing to conduct marriages "on a facially neutral basis" and the Rules Governing Judicial Conduct do not require a judge to conduct weddings.

Wednesday, January 11, 2012

The Historical and Particularist Quality of Hosanna-Tabor

Like others, I'm still digesting the Court's unanimous decision in Hosanna-Tabor.  But I thought to note something interesting (to me).  Back in this post, I predicted that the Court would issue a decision that reflected a highly particularized and deeply historically informed sensibility -- historical both in a social and doctrinal fashion.  I think that Chief Justice Roberts's majority opinion does just that.  Take a little tour of the decision with me.

First, notice the Chief Justice's long discussion of English and early American history at pp. 6-10.  That discussion takes stock not only of several controversies in which James Madison offered a salient view of certain church-state matters, but of the broader historical firmament of American religious liberty.  In an opinion 22 pages long, that's a fairly significant quantity of historical treatment.

Second, note also that the Chief Justice mentions not once, but twice, the fact that all courts of appeals to have considered the question have held that there is, in fact, a ministerial exemption.  But why?  Why should the Supreme Court care about this?  After all, it is superior to those courts and is not bound by their judgment.  And yet the Chief Justice chooses to emphasize the bare fact of the broad consensus about the existence of the ME.  It's almost obverse stare decisis.  That may reflect at least in some measure the sense that the existence of that substantial doctrinal history is itself meaningful -- itself a reason to recognize the ME with some independent force.

Third, after recognizing the existence of the ME, check out this line: "We are reluctant, however, to adopt a rigid formula for deciding when an employee qualifies as a minister.  It is enough for us to conclude, in this our first case involving the ministerial exception, that the exception covers Perich." (15-16) The Chief Justice has been described as a minimalist before, and the holding of the case (at 21) bears this out.  But this takes things a step further.

It seems to me that what he is saying here (and what is reflected in the rest of the opinion) is a highly particularized series of inquiries about the nature and function of Perich's duties, what Perich herself did, and so on -- a suite of inquiries -- without reliance on any one of these inquiries as categorically dispositive.  In light of "the formal title given Perich by the Church, the substance reflected in that title, her own use of that title, and the important religious functions she performed for the Church," the ME applied, but the Chief was careful not to rest the decision on any one of those factors alone.  (18) He notes, for example, that the formal title alone would not necessarily in all cases trigger the ME (see also J. Alito's concurrence).  Hence, my belief that the Chief Justice's opinion reflects a particularistic approach which eschews reliance on any single value for determining when the ME applies.  Compare, on this front, Justice Thomas's concurrence, which argues for a more absolute rule. 

I do have some criticisms of the Chief's opinion (I know, I know, everybody's a critic!): it does not take sufficient stock of the values operating against the ministerial exception.  He does say, somewhat quickly, that "[t]he interest of society in the enforcement of employment discrimination statutes is undoubtedly important," but he under-explores those interests, for my taste.  Indeed, I would wish -- especially in light of the multi-factor approach that the Court adopts -- that the decision were a bit longer in fleshing these interests out, for signaling reasons among others, and I also tend to think that the Chief treated too dismissively the distinction between an action for reinstatement and one for damages.  I think that distinction could matter, and it would have been better if the Chief had discussed a bit the contexts in which it could matter, even if it didn't matter here.  I also did not find quite right the statement that "the First Amendment has struck the balance" between these values.  It might have been better, in my own view, to say that the balance has been struck by the Court, here and in this case, in light of the First Amendment.  But on the whole, I think the opinion fairly well reflects the method that I am trying to get across.  I also admire, and think worthwhile, the functionalist analysis of the term, "minister," which Justice Alito discusses in concurrence, though I've got quibbles here and there with which I will forebear from taxing you.

Sunday, January 8, 2012

Formalism and Formality in Tocqueville

About a year ago, I wrote something here about the relationship of formalism and formality in law, and one of the connections I drew had to do with the protective quality of forms and formality -- the necessary protection of ourselves from each other.  In getting ready for my constitutional law class, I came across the following toward the conclusion of Tocqueville's Democracy in America, where Tocqueville stresses as characteristic of a respect for forms one's methods or behavioral dispositions as opposed to the outcomes one reaches:

Men living in democratic ages do not readily comprehend the utility of forms: they feel an instinctive contempt for them, I have elsewhere shown for what reasons. Forms excite their contempt and often their hatred; as they commonly aspire to none but easy and present gratifications, they rush onwards to the object of their desires, and the slightest delay exasperates them. This same temper, carried with them into political life, renders them hostile to forms, which perpetually retard or arrest them in some of their projects.

Yet this objection which the men of democracies make to forms is the very thing which renders forms so useful to freedom; for their chief merit is to serve as a barrier between the strong and the weak, the ruler and the people, to retard the one and give the other time to look about him. Forms become more necessary in proportion as the government becomes more active and more powerful, while private persons are becoming more indolent and more feeble. Thus democratic nations naturally stand more in need of forms than other nations, and they naturally respect them less. This deserves most serious attention.

Nothing is more pitiful than the arrogant disdain of most of our contemporaries for questions of form, for the smallest questions of form have acquired in our time an importance which they never had before; many of the greatest interests of mankind depend upon them. I think that if the statesmen of aristocratic ages could sometimes despise forms with impunity and frequently rise above them, the statesmen to whom the government of nations is now confided ought to treat the very least among them with respect and not neglect them without imperious necessity. In aristocracies the observance of forms was superstitious; among us they ought to be kept up with a deliberate and enlightened deference.

Thursday, January 5, 2012

Perreau-Saussine, "Catholicism and Democracy"

A deeply interesting looking book by the brilliant French historian and political theorist Émile PerreauJ9732-Saussine, who died tragically young at 37 years old, Catholicism and Democracy: An Essay in the History of Political Thought (Richard Rex trans.) (Princeton University Press 2012).  I have read some of Perreau-Saussine's reflections on the philosopher Alasdair MacIntyre and they are truly excellent -- so far as I know, his superb intellectual biography of MacIntyre has not been translated.  That ought to be rectified immediately.  English readers would appreciate his thoughtful and penetrating remarks -- an illuminating take on MacIntyre that is distinctively French in certain ways (I believe, but am not certain, that Pierre Manent was a teacher, or at least a colleague, of Perreau-Saussine, and it seemed to me that one could sense the influence here and there).  Here is Princeton's description of this book:

Catholicism and Democracy is a history of Catholic political thinking from the French Revolution to the present day. Emile Perreau-Saussine investigates the church's response to liberal democracy, a political system for which the church was utterly unprepared. 

Looking at leading philosophers and political theologians--among them Joseph de Maistre, Alexis de Tocqueville, and Charles Péguy--Perreau-Saussine shows how the church redefined its relationship to the State in the long wake of the French Revolution. Disenfranchised by the fall of the monarchy, the church in France at first embraced that most conservative of ideologies, "ultramontanism" (an emphasis on the central role of the papacy). Catholics whose church had lost its national status henceforth looked to the papacy for spiritual authority. Perreau-Saussine argues that this move paradoxically combined a fundamental repudiation of the liberal political order with an implicit acknowledgment of one of its core principles, the autonomy of the church from the state. However, as Perreau-Saussine shows, in the context of twentieth-century totalitarianism, the Catholic Church retrieved elements of its Gallican heritage and came to embrace another liberal (and Gallican) principle, the autonomy of the state from the church, for the sake of its corollary, freedom of religion. Perreau-Saussine concludes that Catholics came to terms with liberal democracy, though not without abiding concerns about the potential of that system to compromise freedom of religion in the pursuit of other goals.

Tuesday, January 3, 2012

Review of Retributivism: Essays on Theory and Policy

Whitley Kaufman (U. Mass. Lowell, Philosophy) has posted a generous review of the volume on retributivism edited by Mark White (to which I contributed a chapter) on the Law and Politics Book Review run by the University of Maryland. 

Monday, January 2, 2012

The Blurring of Church and State?

Jacques Berlinerblau (Georgetown) has offered up a list of "top 10 religion and politics stories to watch" which made it onto the Washington Post a couple of days ago.  Among other stories, he includes this as Number 3:

3. Justice Kagan’s Dissent in Arizona School Tuition Organization v. Winn, et al: In her first dissent--and a crackling one at that--Justice Elena Kagan lamented how difficult it had become for citizens to bring establishment clause cases to the Court’s attention.

She warned that the decision “offers a roadmap—more truly, just a one-step instruction—to any government that wishes to insulate its financing of religious activity from legal challenge… No taxpayer will have standing to object. However blatantly the government may violate the Establishment Clause, taxpayers cannot gain access to the federal courts.”

Still, Kagan’s demurral reminds us that 2011 was not a good year for those opposed to the blurring of church/state lines.

I've commented critically here before about Berlinerblau's view of Winn.  In this column, Berlinerblau does not offer many specifics about which cases or other controversies he believes "blurr[ed] chuch/state lines," but I wonder which ones he might mean.  He does mention Mayor Bloomberg's decision to prohibit any clergy member from saying anything religious at the 10th anniversary of the September 11 attack.  This comes in at number 7 on his list.  Berlinerblau praises Mayor Bloomberg for "hold[ing] his ground" and he urges other "[s]ecularists" to "study the episode carefully if they want to prevail again."   But that seems like a moment that does not fit into the otherwise blurry year. 

Coming in at Number 6 on this list looks like the effort of Bronx Household of Faith to use public facilities on equal terms with everyone else.  I guess this, listed under the title of "The Swashbuckling Evangelicals," is what the blurring refers to -- an effort by a religious group which "never stops, never thinks small, and is afraid of nothing" to use a public facility in the same way that other groups are allowed to do so.  But Berlinerblau should be happy about the outcome here: Bronx Household of Faith lost at the 2d Circuit, and its cert. petition was denied by the Supreme Court.  No blurring at all.

Finally, at Number 10, Berlinerblau lists the so-far inchoate possibility that Occupy Wall Street and the "Religious Left" join forces, "with crafty Obama operatives forging those bonds and reaping the rewards."  According to Berlinerblau, this has not yet happened, but he describes it as a "missed opportunity."  Yet that this has not happened also does not seem to fit the blurring-of-church-and-state narrative which seasons the rest of the column.

Sunday, January 1, 2012

Wilkinson, "Cosmic Constitutional Theory"

A supremely interesting looking book by the eminent Judge J. Harvie Wilkinson, III, Cosmic41Na4twi11L__SL500_AA300_ Constitutional Theory: Why Americans Are Losing Their Inalienable Right to Self-Governance (OUP 2012).  Judge Wilkinson's thesis is that what binds constitutional thought today is a commitment to the systematization of the Constitution in accordance with high -- indeed, cosmically high -- theory.  Here is the publisher's description:

American constitutional law has undergone a transformation. Issues once left to the people have increasingly become the province of the courts. Subjects as diverse as abortion rights and firearms regulations, health care reform and counterterrorism efforts, not to mention a millennial presidential election, are more and more the domain of judges.

What sparked this development? In this engaging volume, Judge J. Harvie Wilkinson argues that America's most brilliant legal minds have launched a set of cosmic constitutional theories that, for all their value, are undermining self-governance. Thinkers as diverse as Justices William Brennan and Antonin Scalia, Professor John Hart Ely, Judges Robert Bork and Richard Posner, have all produced seminal interpretations of our Founding document, but ones that promise to imbue courts with unprecedented powers. While crediting the theorists for the sparkling quality of their thoughts, Judge Wilkinson argues they will slowly erode the role of representative institutions in America and leave our children bereft of democratic liberty.

The loser in all the theoretical fireworks is the old and honorable tradition of judicial restraint. The judicial modesty once practiced by Learned Hand, John Harlan, and Oliver Wendell Holmes has given way to competing schools of liberal and conservative activism seeking sanctuary in Living Constitutionalism, Originalism, Process Theory, or the supposedly anti-theoretical creed of Pragmatism. Each of these seemingly disparate theories promises their followers an intellectually respectable route to congenial political outcomes from the bench. Judge Wilkinson calls for a plainer, simpler, self-disciplined commitment to judicial restraint and democratic governance, a course that alas may be impossible so long as the cosmic constitutionalists so dominate contemporary legal thought.