The BBC reports a disturbing ruling in Wales (HT to my colleague Teresa Collett):
A gay Christian who won a claim against the Church of England has been awarded more than £47,000 in compensation.
John Reaney took the Hereford diocesan board of finance to an employment tribunal after his appointment as a youth worker was blocked.
According to an earlier BBC story, Mr. Reaney seemed to be in line for the job but then, in a final-stage interview, the bishop of Hereford asked him a series of questions about whether he could remain celibate outside of marriage as the Church of England's rules require. Reaney's claim was that the bishop wouldn't have asked these questions of a heterosexual applicant, and/or that such an applicant's assurances that s/he could remain celibate would have been accepted. From the current story:
In his evidence to the original tribunal, Bishop Priddis said anyone in a sexual relationship outside marriage would have been rejected.
However the tribunal last month ruled Mr Reaney, who now lives in Cardiff, had been discriminated against "on the grounds of sexual orientation."
There is a distinction between orientation and extramarital conduct as grounds for employment actions; and one might criticize, say, the Catholic Church on theological grounds (as several MOJers have) for rejecting men with a "deeply rooted" homosexual orientation as priests regardless of whether they can convincingly claim a past and future commitment to celibacy. (A counterargument here.) But from what I can see, this case exemplifies why that distinctions should not form the basis for imposing liability on a church for its hiring -- especially for a position that appears pretty pastoral (Mr. Reaney speaks of "numerous young people who have become Christians due to my work and ministry among them"). It looks like there was indeed reason to raise questions about Mr. Reaney's commitment to celibate conduct, since according to the earlier story he had "resigned [a previous youth-worker position] after being asked to choose between his partner and his job." With the prospect of a tribunal deciding after the fact whether any given line of questions was more than a straight applicant in similar circumstances would have faced -- and $100,000 in damages possibly at stake each go-round -- surely a lot of church interviewers will just let the celibacy subject drop. The Hereford diocese spokeswoman puts a brave, but not altogether convincing, face on it when she says:
"We are now aware that when making such an appointment we must make it clear if it is a genuine occupational requirement that the post-holder should believe in and uphold the Christian belief and ideal of marriage, and that sexual relationships are confined to marriage."
Tom
Monday, February 4, 2008
A new blog, "Prez4Life," is developing the fictional narrative of a "pro-life progressive" -- a former Minnesota Democratic senator -- running for president as an independent. It looks interesting, both for its effort at serial blog fiction incorporating real campaign developments, and for the vision it imagines. The author is, at this point, anonymous and unknown to me (despite the reference to the "pro-life progressivism" conference at St. Thomas Law a few years back).
Tom B.
Saturday, February 2, 2008
Continuing with the theme of assessing compassionate conservatism -- which, to my knowledge, not one Republican candidate since the long-departed Sam Brownback has given a serious mention (Huckabee offers only occasional stabs, not any coherent policy).... Here's Michael Gerson's perspective on Bush's commitment to the idea (the faith-based initiative, AIDS/malaria funding, etc.), and why the idea hasn't stuck.
Bush has received little attention or thanks for his compassionate reforms. This is less a reflection on him than on the political challenge of compassionate conservatism. The conservative movement gives the president no credit because it views all these priorities -- foreign assistance, a federal role in education, the expansion of an entitlement -- as heresies, worthy of the stake. Liberals and Democrats offer no praise because a desire to help dying Africans, minority students and low-income seniors does not fit the image of Bush's cruelty that they wish to cultivate.
Compassionate conservatism is thus a cause without a constituency -- except for the large-hearted man I first met in 1999 and who, on Monday night, proposed to double global AIDS spending once again.
I agree that Bush deserves credit. But I think it's also undeniable that his focus on compassionate conservatism got crowded out not only by opposition in both parties, but by his focus on fighting terrorism and going to war in Iraq.
Commenters are remarking now on John McCain's lack of interest in any more than a few domestic issues -- and empowering the poor doesn't seem to be one of them. Although maybe global assistance to the needy would trigger McCain's "national greatness" sympathies? A running mate like Brownback could articulate the theme in the campaign, although it seems to require someone as hard-nosed as Dick Cheney to make the vice president's office work as a policy engine.
Tom
Tuesday, January 22, 2008
The reduction in abortions that was reported by the Guttmacher Institute, and Rick's and Eduardo's posts on it, bring me back to the question whether a strengthened social safety net on matters relating to pregnancy, child care and raising, etc., is likely to contribute to reductions in abortions. John Breen's article, "Modesty and Moralism: Justice, Prudence, and Abortion -- A Reply to Skeel and Stuntz," which was noted here a while back, argues that safety-net measures don't help much. John's is a really fine article that thoroughly undermines the claims that prohibitions on abortion won't reduce the numbers and rates. And John supports safety-net measures in themselves, as a matter of justice and solidarity with those in need: but he doubts they will have much effect on abortions.
On the last score, I think that there is a flaw in John's argument. He bases the argument on the fact that although Western European nations have more developed safety nets than America, abortion ratios -- abortions per 100 pregnancies -- are not much lower in Western Europe (although they are somewhat lower). But the argument doesn't take into account the fact that belief in the immorality of abortion appears to be significantly less widespread or deep in Western Europe than in America. In that context it seems to me striking that European abortion ratios are nevertheless lower at all than America's, and that the stronger European safety nets could be having a significant effect.
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