Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Friday, September 19, 2008

Science and Ideology

I would like to thank Richard S. for his kind words and gentle rebuke. Furthermore, I am very grateful to him for his important posting on the Clinton-Richards op-ed perspective published in today’s The New York Times. In a brief response to Richard, I did not intend to suggest that the numerical magnitude of forty million abortions raises the concern that I hoped to address. Any single abortion that is considered without any further consideration to the welfare of the unborn and the precious life that is snuffed out is a most grievous concern, indeed. The democratic society that values not one life, let alone forty million, has much to answer for at the end of time if not before.

But I write today in response to Richard’s bringing to our attention to the Clinton-Richards opinion in which the authors state: “Last month, the Bush administration launched the latest salvo in its eight-year campaign to undermine women’s rights and women’s health by placing ideology ahead of science: a proposed rule from the Department of Health and Human Services that would govern family planning.”

I believe the Senator and Planned Parenthood President have a skewed view of science that leads them to conclude that “science” has been sacrificed in the name of someone else’s ideology. I believe that their claim is true but not in the fashion that Mss. Clinton and Richards assert—for they are the ones who place ideology before science. After all, objective science tells us that human life begins at conception. We are not talking about a clump of cells or a thing that can be relegated to the medical waste receptacle in an abortion clinic. We are addressing nascent human life, the same nascent human life you, I, the senator, the PPF President, have all shared at the beginning of entrance into the human family. Science, not ideology, informs us so with no doubt whatsoever.

Thus, the Clinton-Richards claim is true that ideology has eclipsed science—their ideology, not the President’s. It is tragic for one human, for thousands, for numbers now surpassing forty million young humans, that the Clinton-Richards ideology has replaced science in the minds of so many Americans who will go to the polls in November. But there is still time to stop their ideology and its future influence even though nothing can be done to reverse its tragic wake and restore the lives of so many who had so much to offer but were given no time to do so.

RJA sj

Wednesday, September 17, 2008

Five words

A few days ago, Professor Cass Sunstein, now of Harvard Law School, published an opinion essay in The Boston Globe [HERE] on the fate of Roe v. Wade. The first five words of his piece tell a great deal: “The right to reproductive freedom…” In short, Professor Sunstein raises his concern in this published opinion that the fate of Roe and other unnamed but “countless principles in constitutional law” are hanging in the balance if the Republicans win. Nothing is inferred about what would happen should the Democratic party prevail in the upcoming presidential election. In fairness to Professor Sunstein, he is self-identified as an unofficial advisor to Senator Obama.

As the Mirror of Justice is a web log dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory and is not a forum for political commentary by itself, let me confine my remarks to Sunstein’s juridical claim about “the right to reproductive freedom.” He explains that Roe is vulnerable to being returned to the individual states and then to being “overturned” judicially or legislatively. But this, in his estimation, is unwise because Roe has become a part of the legal and political culture of the United States for thirty-five years. In making this claim, he appears to suggest that Roe, in spite of its legal insufficiency that he acknowledges (Roe “was far from a model of legal reasoning”), cannot be altered even though it can be criticized. Well, does not criticism lead to a reexamination of laws that exist but ought not to?

Professor Sunstein competently puts forth the stare decisis argument for preserving Roe. But, in fact, judicial precedents that are stare decisis have come and gone in our nation’s legal history. I again raise a question that I have posed before: what makes Roe inviolable knowing that its legal reasoning is deficient? Surely it is not because it saves human life. His argument that “American constitutional law is stable only because of the principle of stare decisis” is also lacking because it is patent that for over two centuries precedents that were wrongly conceived should not stand but have whereas some that were well formed were overturned by the stroke of a fifth justice’s pen.

Sunstein gets to the heart of the matter quickly. It’s not about overturning precedent, its about disruption of a thirty-five year old culture of death to which powerful political groups are inextricably attached but that has not only minimized but dismissed the lives of forty million young Americans. As I have pointed out previously [HERE], the alternative to Roe v. Wade does not have to be “jail sentences and criminal fines” as Professor Sunstein contends but needs to be remedial legislation that saves mothers, fathers, and, yes, their yet-unborn children. His claim that a decision that has been allowed to persist for three and one half decades cannot be overturned because “an established domain of human liberty” will be put into turmoil is unpersuasive. Turmoil for whom? Surely not for those whose lives will be snuffed out; and sure not for the mothers who may be legally entitled to kill their children because they have not been made aware of alternatives that can and, in some cases, do exist right now.

Again, as I have argued in the past, we as a nation—including its lawyers—can do a lot better for all whose lives are threatened by the political and legal issue of abortion. Sadly, Professor Sunstein and like minded individuals have been satisfied that only some lives are threatened should the Roe precedent be compromised, but this belief, in fact, is not true.

RJA sj

Thursday, September 4, 2008

Political Slogans

I would like to follow up to Rob’s and Rick’s postings regarding the Republican Party’s slogan, “Country First.” As with any political slogan, the inquisitive observer can ask, “but what does it mean?” This is true with the Republican statement as it is with the Democrats’ “Change.” Change for what? It is evident that the Constitution and the November election will bring a change, but what is its content? Only time will tell, but it would be nice to have some good insights now prior to the election. Getting back to “Country First,” is the Republican statement intended to be a rhetorical device to establish American hegemony or is it an endorsement for the common good on a national level? (By the way, I am grateful for Rob’s clarification that he is not seeking “UN First.”) Given the fact that the Presidential candidates are running for national office rather than international office, perhaps we might, for the time being, give the benefit of the doubt to this latter interpretation about the prominent role of the common good. Indeed, Govern Palin addressed the common good in her acceptance speech last evening. And surely the statement “Country First” has more appeal on substantive moral grounds than “Me First.”

            But if slogans like “Country First” and “Change” are subject to numerous and different interpretations, some credible and others less so, it is clear that other political slogans from the past were not immune from ambiguity either. For example, we might consider the meaning of: “A New Deal,” “A Square Deal,” “The New Frontier,” “The Great Society,” and, from a foreign perspective, “The Great Leap Forward.” With the passage of time, the content of these slogans took shape, and so I think the same can be said with regard to “Change” and “Country First.” As with past political catchphrases, these will be defined by the understandings of the agents whose future influence will be considerable but at this stage indeterminable. As Rob suggests, “Country First” could be defined by some of those whom he has identified. But he has no similar list for those who will or may define the meaning of “Change”?

            I would like to supplement Rob’s reliance on President George W. Bush’s past statement that the United States “should not join the International Criminal Court because we should not ‘join a foreign court’ where ‘our people could be prosecuted’” as an illustration of the meaning of “Country First.” There is more to the quotations Rob relies on in his illustration that must be considered before judgment concerning the implications of President George W. Bush’s position on the Court can be reached. First of all, we must recall that the United States, under the Clinton Administration, voted against the Statute of the International Criminal Court at the Rome Diplomatic Conference that concluded on July 17, 1998. The grave concerns of the Clinton Administration had regarding the Statute’s text were expressed by Ambassador David Scheffer. I was a delegate at the Conference, and I recall hearing first hand the passionate and reasoned statement presented by Ambassador Scheffer in critiquing the text and explaining why the US voted “no” and joined the ranks of Iraq, Israel, Libya, the People’s Republic of China, Qatar, and Yemen that also voted in the negative. Within weeks after the closing of the Diplomatic Conference, Ambassador Scheffer issued an official statement [HERE] and testified before a Congressional Committee [HERE] to explicate the views expressed and the actions taken by the United States at the Diplomatic Conference.

            It is true that President Bill Clinton signed the Statute (this is not to be confused with ratification and becoming a party to the International Criminal Court) on the last date possible for signature, i.e., December 31, 2000, in the twilight of his Administration. But signing the Statute was a way of retaining negotiating options so that the United States could continue to express formally its concerns about the Court and preserve its objections—a prudent policy followed by sovereign States in public international law circles. At the signing, President Clinton stated the following:

In signing, however, we are not abandoning our concerns about significant flaws in the treaty. In particular, we are concerned that when the court comes into existence, it will not only exercise authority over personnel of states that have ratified the treaty but also claim jurisdiction over personnel of states that have not. With signature, however, we will be in a position to influence the evolution of the court. Without signature, we will not. Signature will enhance our ability to further protect U.S. officials from unfounded charges and to achieve the human rights and accountability objectives of the ICC. In fact, in negotiations following the Rome Conference, we have worked effectively to develop procedures that limit the likelihood of politicized prosecutions. For example, U.S. civilian and military negotiators helped to ensure greater precision in the definitions of crimes within the court’s jurisdiction. But more must be done. Court jurisdiction over U.S. personnel should come only with U.S. ratification of the treaty. The United States should have the chance to observe and assess the functioning of the court, over time, before choosing to become subject to its jurisdiction. Given these concerns, I will not, and do not recommend that my successor submit the treaty to the Senate for advice and consent until our fundamental concerns are satisfied. Nonetheless, signature is the right action to take at this point. I believe that a properly constituted and structured International Criminal Court would make a profound contribution in deterring egregious human rights abuses worldwide and that signature increases the chances for productive discussions with other governments to advance these goals in the months and years ahead. (bold italics mine)

President Clinton’s full statement given at the signing of the Statute of the International Criminal Court is [HERE]. As suggested by bold italicization I have provided in the excerpt, President Clinton was counseling his successor, President George W. Bush, not to seek ratification of the Statute until “fundamental concerns” (which in fact are shared by both of these Presidents) are satisfactorily addressed. President Clinton asserted that he would not seek ratification in spite of his signature. To critique President Bush’s perspective as a reinforcement of a particular meaning of “Country First” should not proceed without taking stock of the significant role of President Clinton that undergird’s President Bush’s approach to the International Criminal Court. Rob’s interesting illustration of “Country First” that uses President Bush stands on the shoulders of the earlier deeds of President Clinton.

RJA sj

Wednesday, September 3, 2008

Priorities

As a follow-up to Rob's and Rick's commentaries on "country first," we should consider the words of Thomas More: "I die the King's good servant, and God's first."

RJA sj

Friday, August 29, 2008

Abortion, Economic and Social Policy Issues

I begin by thanking Michael P. for bringing to our attention the recent report prepared by Catholics in Alliance for the Common Good entitled “Reducing Abortion in America: The Effect of Economic and Social Supports.” As I recall, last October, one of my favorite authors and contributors to the Mirror of Justice [HERE] had this to say about law making regarding economic and social support that could address and minimize and eliminate the need for abortion:

The moral considerations underpinning Catholic legal theory would enable the law-maker to consider more or all rather than some of the issues that must inevitably intersect abortion laws. Today so much of the law in this country pertaining to abortion permits abortion—with few restrictions—and bases the justification on Constitutional requirement (which I submit results from an erroneous interpretation in the Roe progeny), the argument from privacy, and, more recently, the argument from equality. The focus of abortion law seems to be on the welfare of the mother only. This becomes patent when judges, state and Federal, scrutinize legislation and regulation looking for the “essential” health exception clause to protect the mother only.

Catholic legal theory, in contrast, begins to look at other welfares, too. The mother’s health and welfare are surely important; but so is the health and welfare of the child whose life will be snuffed out should the abortion proceed. But it is also vital to recognize that the mother has other issues that are often ignored or dismissed as long as she can be allowed to terminate her pregnancy. What might these issues be? Well, informed consent is a place to start. Does she really know what is about to happen? Does she really understand what is inside her womb? Would she want to have an abortion if she could see her child? (Ultrasound imaging would provide her with this critical information.) Has she been provided with education about effective parenting skills? Is pre and post-natal care available for her and her child to ensure good health for both? Catholic legal theory would also provide for the welfare of the father? Where is he? Should provision not also be made for encouraging his responsibility for the life he helped promote by developing among other things his parenting skills? It seems that the law-maker is not restrained from including these provisions relating to these matters as well. Cannot the law-maker provide for orphanages, foster care, and adoption services for children whose birth parents will not or cannot properly care for the raising of the child?

Indeed, the law-maker can provide for all these things and more.

But the critic may well argue that the additional elements will cost money. The Catholic legal theorist can respond by reminding the critic that laws addressing defense, environment safeguards, historical preservation, criminal justice, wildlife protection, etc. (all of which have moral considerations) also cost money. But in spite of their cost, laws are made to advance these interests and protections. Why can the law not do the same to preserve young human life and the lives of those responsible for its conception? This is the response of one Catholic legal theorist.

I am grateful that others are beginning to think along these same lines. In the meantime, the grim reaper who uses the pseudonym “Abortion Rights” continues to take its tragic and avoidable toll.

RJA sj

Wednesday, August 27, 2008

The Scarlet Letter

Many years ago in his novel, The Scarlet Letter, Nathaniel Hawthorne wove deftly into his morality tale the letter “A” sewn to Hester Prynne’s clothing. Of course, the emblem enabled Hawthorne to develop a story that probed a number of important norms about our human existence. I would like to borrow his use of the letter “A” in its reddish fashion—perhaps recalling the color of blood—to probe another question which has once again surfaced frequently in the news regarding the position of various influential people who hold high public office. But here the red letter “A” does not refer to concupiscence but to abortion. Since the question of what does the Church teach has recently surfaced once again by prominent public officials who claim allegiance to the Catholic Church and her teachings.

But, what are those teachings? Perhaps this brief anthology may help all of us who ask questions about the views expressed by prominent persons about the Church’s teachings:

We might begin with that extraordinary fragment of the Didache from the first century that is pregnant, if you will, with several important teachings: Do not murder; do not commit adultery; do not corrupt boys; do not fornicate; do not steal; do not practice magic; do not go in for sorcery; do not murder a child by abortion or kill a newborn infant… Do not be double-minded or double-tongued, for a double tongue is a deadly snare

Tertullian affirmed the essential principle in the early second century: To prevent birth is anticipated murder; it makes little difference whether one destroys a life already born or does away with it in its nascent stage. The one who will be a man is already one.

The first Council of Mainz in 847 reconsidered the penalties against abortion which had been established by preceding Councils. It decided that the most rigorous penance would be imposed on women who procure the elimination of the fruit conceived in their womb.

The Decree of Gratian reported the following words of Pope Stephen V: That person is a murderer who causes to perish by abortion what has been conceived.

Moving forward in time, we might consider the 1679 Decree of the Holy Office (the predecessor of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith) condemning a number of positions including the following: it is permitted to bring about an abortion before the animation of the foetus, lest the girl found pregnant be killed or defamed; it seems probable that every foetus (as long as it is in the womb) lacks a rational soul and begins to have the same at the time that it is born; and consequently it will have to be said that no homicide is committed in any abortion.

In 1974, the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith had this to say: The gravity of the problem comes from the fact that in certain cases, perhaps in quite a considerable number of cases, by denying abortion one endangers important values to which it is normal to attach great value, and which may sometimes even seem to have priority. We do not deny these very great difficulties. It may be a serious question of health, sometimes of life or death, for the mother; it may be the burden represented by an additional child, especially if there are good reasons to fear that the child will be abnormal or retarded; it may be the importance attributed in different classes of society to considerations of honor or dishonor, of loss of social standing, and so forth. We proclaim only that none of these reasons can ever objectively confer the right to dispose of another’s life, even when that life is only beginning. With regard to the future unhappiness of the child, no one, not even the father or mother, can act as its substitute—even if it is still in the embryonic stage—to choose in the child’s name, life or death.

For those who are attracted to both the spirit and the texts of the Second Vatican Council, we have in the Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modern World this: Furthermore, whatever is opposed to life itself, such as any type of murder, genocide, abortion, euthanasia or wilful self-destruction, whatever violates the integrity of the human person, such as mutilation, torments inflicted on body or mind, attempts to coerce the will itself; whatever insults human dignity, such as subhuman living conditions, arbitrary imprisonment, deportation, slavery, prostitution, the selling of women and children; as well as disgraceful working conditions, where men are treated as mere tools for profit, rather than as free and responsible persons; all these things and others of their like are infamies indeed. They poison human society, but they do more harm to those who practice them than those who suffer from the injury. Moreover, they are supreme dishonor to the Creator… For God, the Lord of life, has conferred on men the surpassing ministry of safeguarding life in a manner which is worthy of man. Therefore from the moment of its conception life must be guarded with the greatest care while abortion and infanticide are unspeakable crimes.

And this from Pope John Paul II in Evangelium Vitae in 1995: It is frequently asserted that contraception, if made safe and available to all, is the most effective remedy against abortion. The Catholic Church is then accused of actually promoting abortion, because she obstinately continues to teach the moral unlawfulness of contraception. When looked at carefully, this objection is clearly unfounded. It may be that many people use contraception with a view to excluding the subsequent temptation of abortion. But the negative values inherent in the “contraceptive mentality”—which is very different from responsible parenthood, lived in respect for the full truth of the conjugal act-are such that they in fact strengthen this temptation when an unwanted life is conceived. Indeed, the pro- abortion culture is especially strong precisely where the Church’s teaching on contraception is rejected. Certainly, from the moral point of view contraception and abortion are specifically different evils: the former contradicts the full truth of the sexual act as the proper expression of conjugal love, while the latter destroys the life of a human being; the former is opposed to the virtue of chastity in marriage, the latter is opposed to the virtue of justice and directly violates the divine commandment “You shall not kill”. But despite their differences of nature and moral gravity, contraception and abortion are often closely connected, as fruits of the same tree. It is true that in many cases contraception and even abortion are practised under the pressure of real- life difficulties, which nonetheless can never exonerate from striving to observe God’s law fully. Still, in very many other instances such practices are rooted in a hedonistic mentality unwilling to accept responsibility in matters of sexuality, and they imply a self-centered concept of freedom, which regards procreation as an obstacle to personal fulfilment. The life which could result from a sexual encounter thus becomes an enemy to be avoided at all costs, and abortion becomes the only possible decisive response to failed contraception.

These are but a few points made over the millennia of the Church’s teachings on the question of abortion. Those who claim to know this tradition may wish to consult these sources and the many others that exist and are readily accessible. But regardless of the source or the period in which it was promulgated, the teachings remains the same in spite of what some influential voices may suggest to the contrary.

RJA sj

More on human dignity

I am grateful to Rob for bringing attention to the work of Professor Luban regarding human dignity. The subject of human dignity and what it is has a rich consideration in the Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church. An examination of the many treatments in the Compendium reveals that there are specific contextual considerations as well as more general understandings. In spite of the fact that this forum is the Mirror of Justice, I cannot do justice to the vast treatment the Compendium offers in this posting. However, one of the appealing explanations of human dignity is that offered by Pope John Paul II in this encyclical letter Centesimus Annus where he said there exists something "which is due to man because he is man." Human dignity is not a property that can be bargained for or given away or forcibly removed. It is innate in the existence of each human who bears the divine image of God. I think Rob has come across an important topic vital to our common enterprise that can engaged us for a long time to come.

RJA sj

Tuesday, August 19, 2008

Further thoughts on Dr. John Marshall’s letter to The Tablet

I sincerely thank Michael P. for posting Dr. John Marshall’s letter to The Tablet regarding his experience as a member of the Papal Commission on Birth Control. I did not know Jesuit Fr. Stanislas de Lestapis to whom Dr. Marshall refers. But I did know Jesuit Fr. John Ford, who like Fr. De Lestapis, was involved with the drafting of the “minority report” which became a harbinger of the encyclical Humanae Vitae upon which several of us have recently commented.

A quarter century ago when I was a Jesuit novice assigned to work in the New England Province Infirmary, I got to meet Fr. Ford who was then living in the infirmary during his last years in this life. One of my duties was to accompany him for his “daily” walks when his health permitted. He was a moral theologian who studied civil law in his later years; I was a civil law lawyer who had a great interest in moral theology and the social doctrine of the Church. We had some good conversations about matters of mutual interest. I learned much from him and his views on the Papal Commission’s work. I came across a recent publication on the Pro-Life Philippines website [HERE] that reminded me of some of Fr. Ford’s reflections. So, with thanks to Fr. Dick Cremins, S.J., I offer the thoughts of Fr. de Lestapis as reported by Fr. Cremins:

A Prophecy FULFILLED

by Fr. Dick Cremins, S.J.

Fr. Stanislas de Lestapis, a French Jesuit, died in 1999 at the age of 94. He had been a member of the Papal Commission on Birth Control and was one of the signatories of its minority report. He had published a book, Birth Control, of which the third edition appeared in 1962, before Humanae Vitae (1968).

In chapter 7, “The Contraceptive Civilization”, he made the following bold prophecies:


• “We do not hesitate to say that the acceptance of contraception will produce profound changes in our civilization, these changes are already taking place in countries that have officially endorsed contraception for one or two generations.”


• “Voluntary numerous families will progressively disappear, and the large family will tend to appear as a monstrosity.”

• “Populations and families which have deliberately become less creative will experience spiritual ageing and premature sclerosis.”


• “The idea and the ideal of family happiness will be downgraded in terms of a so-called right to happiness and of what people think are the ‘techniques’ of achieving it.”

• Morality among the young will deteriorate. The unmarried will be more licentious. The sexuality of women will lose its connection with marriage.”


• “There will be a grave change in the bond of love, due to the reversal of sexual function. It will remain fixed at an ‘adolescent’ stage. Society as a whole will slip into this ‘transitory’ stage.”


• “The maternal instinct will become sterile, due to the repression of the desire for children which is innate in women. There will be a silent hostility toward life and its first manifestations: pregnancy, childbirth and even sometimes towards dolls and babies.”

• “A new concept of sex, now essentially defined as ‘the capacity for erotic play for the sake of the couple,’ all reference to procreation now being only accidental.”

• “A growing tolerance of homosexual behavior, as erotic play that succeeds in expressing personal intimacy between friends or lovers.”

• “Finally, contraception will raise hopes which it cannot fulfill, and will give rise to frustrations and deep dissatisfactions, which will contribute to:


- The crisis of divorce and instability of modern marriages.


- The deterioration of mental health, and lack of sexual desire in women.


- The abdication of parents confronted by their task as educators.


- The ennui secreted by a civilization that is entirely centered on a comfortable way of life and sexual satisfaction.”


• “We may be accused of drawing a rather somber picture. No one will reproach us for not being frank. It only remains to justify these predictions.”


Fr. Lestapis goes on for twenty pages to justify separately each of his predictions, some very clearly, others less so, given the intangible nature of his subject.



However, a simple observation of our contemporary world will tell us that many, if not all of them, have come to pass. Is this just coincidence or is it because “the acceptance of contraception” actually has “produced profound changes in our civilization”?


If that is so, we can hardly treat the assertion of Humanae Vitae that “every use of marriage should be open to the transmission of life” as an open question.

RJA sj

Tuesday, August 5, 2008

The AALS and Boycotts—revisited and thought through

I begin by thanking Tom and Susan for their contributions regarding the AALS annual meeting and the desire of certain groups of law teachers to boycott the early-New Year conference because the owner of the hotel, Mr. Manchester—who, by the way is a practicing Catholic according to news sources—contributed to the political campaign geared for the fall electoral season to address the California Supreme Court’s 4-3 decision in In Re Marriage Cases. It seems that Mr. Manchester disagrees with the majority opinion in that case, and he, along with other citizens of California, are using the means of democracy to express their disagreement.

According to the article about this matter appearing in the National Law Journal to which Tom kindly gave us the link, Mr. Manchester, the hotel owner, employs men and women who, in some fashion, identify themselves as homosexual. So, it appears that there is no employment or other discrimination prohibited by the law such that may offer protections that address this inclination.

But the boycott is focused on something else that the law also addresses, and that is Mr. Manchester’s Constitutional, and I would say God-given, right to participate in the political process. The problem with that, according to the law faculty who have expressed their decision to boycott his hotel, and perhaps the conference, is based on Mr. Manchester’s political contribution to a side in a referendum endorsed by the California Supreme Court. In short, these law faculty are challenging his right to exercise his political voice.

This is a tragedy, but it is also a violation of the law. How ironic that those who teach law would object to a person’s right to exercise his political voice in a democratic exercise. This is not the sort of thing one would expect in a democracy, but it may be the sort of thing to which one could expect in a totalitarian state.

Many years ago, in the 1930s, Christopher Dawson, the first holder of the Charles Chauncey Stillman Chair of Roman Catholic Theological Studies at Harvard University, had these words to say about the totalitarian mind in the academy and in society:

The totalitarian state—and perhaps the modern state in general—is not satisfied with passive obedience; it demands full co-operation from the cradle to the grave… [I]f Christians cannot assert their right to exist in the sphere of higher education, they will eventually be pushed not only out of modern culture but out of physical existence. That is already the issue in Communist countries, and it will also become the issue in England (Mr. Dawson’s country of birth) and America if we do not use our opportunities while we still have them.

I find Mr. Dawson’s counsel wise and timely. I hope that it benefits those who may be attending or may be considering attending the AALS conference early next year. If you join the boycott, you have certainly expressed your political decision. In that case, let Mr. Manchester and those who agree with him be able to exercise, without intimidation or any other pressure, their political decision, too. That is what democracy is about. But when it no longer is, then democracy has mutated into the totalitarian regime to which it is supposed to stand in clear counterpoint—and this would make our national motto, e pluribus unum, rather ironic indeed.

RJA sj

Sunday, August 3, 2008

Legislators who stepped up (or down, as the case may be)

Today’s Boston Globe has as its lead editorial a brief exhortation, Legislators who stepped up [HERE], commending the Massachusetts legislators who voted this past week to repeal the 1913 statute that has barred out-of-state homosexual couples from marrying in Massachusetts and then returning to their home state jurisdiction in the hope of having their Massachusetts same-sex marriage recognized in a place that does not permit this. The Globe heaped praise on the legislators who voted “yes” in favor of the repeal. Governor Deval Patrick quickly signed the legislative repeal noting that with the repeal, “All people come before their governments as equals.” I hasten to add some agreement and some disagreement with this position: in some things yes, they are equal, but in other matters no—especially when reason, common sense, and irrefutable facts demonstrate that “equality” is impossible. Michael Jordan and I both love basketball, but I doubt that the Commonwealth of Massachusetts will deem the two of us “equal” when it comes to our respective claims concerning the ability to play the game.

The Globe editorial took passing notice of opposition to the repeal from “social conservatives”. I wonder if the paper’s editorial board members who authored this congratulatory opinion would consider the legislators who voted “no,” that is, against the repeal, to be “social conservatives.” If a web log developing Catholic Legal Theory is a place to consider what is it that Catholic legislators should do and not do in their official capacities (something that members of MOJ have addressed from time to time), I would offer an opinion that the legislators voting “no” were the members of the General Court (the legislature) who, in fact, stepped up. It is clear that many of the legislators who voted “yes” consider themselves Catholic. But it was those Catholics, and other legislators who are not Catholic, who voted “no” who understand well the wise counsel of Pope John Paul II when he stated that “the value of democracy stands or falls with the values which it embodies and promotes.” [Evangelium Vitae, N. 70]

In my opinion, the “no” votes belong in the circle of those who upheld the values crucial to democracy. I fear that those who cast “yes” votes have imperiled the values of “democracy” insofar as it exists in Massachusetts and will lead us further along a road to the diminishment of values crucial not only to democracy but to the society that it should preserve and protect.

RJA sj