Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Friday, April 19, 2013

Robert Edwards, "test tube baby" pioneer

I offer some thoughts in this morning's Wall Street Journal on the legacy of "test tube baby" pioneer Sir Robert Edwards, who died this week:  http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424127887323309604578429083130451730.html

Thursday, April 18, 2013

We're shocked?

Honestly, is it so hard to understand Kermit Gosnell?  If respectable and influential people---cultural and political leaders---spend decades trying to persuade the public that "it's not really a baby, it just looks like a baby," are we shocked -- shocked!!! -- that some people come to believe it, and act on that belief? Of course, even before the newly conceived human "looks like" a baby, it is a living member of the human species---a human being.  It is our duty to respect and protect him or her (sex is determined from the beginning in the human) not because of how he or she looks, but because of what he or she is. Still, one might say that it is easier to understand how one could fail to see that abortion is the taking of human life when the human life in question is in the earliest stages of development, and doesn't yet "look like a baby."  But because the unborn human begins to "look like a baby" fairly early on, the pro-choice movement worked hard to persuade people not to trust the evidence of their senses---to disregard the little arms and legs that were severed in the process of dismembering the "fetus" (a perfectly valid word---meaning "young one"---that became convenient to deploy as a way of suggesting that the unborn baby is "something different," not really a baby or a human being). "It's not a baby, it just looks like a baby." Tragically, Gosnell believed them. So did lots of other people. This is not the primary or most fundamental reason for my view that we who are pro-life should plead for mercy for Gosnell if he is convicted of capital murder, but it is a reason. If convicted, Gosnell should spend the rest of his life in prison, but we shouldn't pretend not to know how he could have performed the killings he performed. The structure of beliefs behind his actions is not one that is unique to him or even uncommon. On the contrary, it is all-too-common.  And a lot of work went into making it common. 

May Catholic Supporters of Marriage Equality Receive Communion?

That's the question University of St. Thomas law prof Chuck Reid addresses over at ReligiousLeftLaw. Comments on the post are welcome there.

Gay Marriage Around the World

[From the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life.]

Countries That Allow Gay Marriage

New Zealand (2013)  

On April 17, the New Zealand Parliament gave final approval to a measure that legalizes same-sex marriage, making the Pacific island nation the 13th country in the world and the first in the Asia-Pacific region, to allow gays and lesbians to wed. The measure won approval by a 77-44 margin in the country’s unicameral legislature, including support from Prime Minister John Key. The bill still must be signed by the country’s governor-general (a process known as royal assent), but that step is considered a formality. The bill is expected to take effect in August 2013.

In 2005, New Zealand enacted legislation allowing same-sex couples to enter into civil unions. The 2013 measure not only legalizes same-sex marriage but also allows for gay and lesbian couples to adopt children.

Continue reading

Kabala, "Church-State Relations in the Early American Republic, 1787-1846"

I just read James S. Kabala's Church-State Relations in the Early American Republic, 1787-1846 (2013). I recommend it; it recounts lots of interesting details and debates which Kabala presents very effectively. The book's general theme is that the unsettled quality of the relationship between church and state in our own time is not new, but part of an ongoing unsettled history whose roots may be traced to the founding and which persisted thereafter.   

Here's a bit from the introduction:

[P]resent-day believers that the United States was founded on Christian principles often claim the Founding Fathers for their cause, while advocates of church-state separation often presume that the issue was a settled matter after the ratification of the First Amendment in 1791.  This book will complicate such assumptions by exploring sixty years of contentious debate in American civic culture over the proper role of religion in public life.  Between the 1780s and the 1840s, clergymen, legislators, jurists, and pamphleteers argued over whether the government could fund Christian missionaries, whether the government should proclaim fast and Thanksgiving days, whether it was proper for Christians to pledge to vote only for Christian candidates, whether there should be religious restrictions on who could serve in public office or testify in court, whether blasphemy prosecutions were legitimate, whether public schools could offer a religious curriculum, whether state legislatures should open each day's session with prayer and many more such issues.  Instances of the government's long-standing entanglement with religion, such as the funding of religiously affiliated schools among the Indian tribes, can seem startling today.  In other areas, however, separation between religion and government was more strongly enforced than today.  The mail was delivered on Sundays, and a nationwide petition campaign to end this practice caused a strong backlash.  Several state legislatures, at least for a time, abolished the position of chaplain and the practice of opening each day's sessions with prayer.  In short, debate over the proper relationship between religion and government was as divisive two hundred years ago as it is today and involved people from all denominations, parties and regions.

Kabala's focus is not on the First Amendment but on the more general issue of church state relations. Recognizing "the heavy entanglement of the federal government with religion in this period," he favors the federalism interpretation of well-known episodes such as Andrew Jackson's refusal to proclaim a day of fasting in 1832 and others.

An interesting later chapter entitled "The Limits of Consensus: The Unorthodox in the Court System," deals in part with the issue of whether Christianity was part of the common law (a view consistently denied by Jefferson).  One of the final episodes that Kabala recounts involves a Supreme Court case, Vidal v. Girard's Executors (1844), which dealt with a rather eccentric French-born resident of Philadelphia who had become extremely wealthy.  The man had been raised a Catholic and had made occasional contributions to Catholic institutions, but his own religious convictions were not clear (apparently, he was a shipping magnate who had given his ships somewhat suspicious names like "Voltaire" and "Rousseau").  He died in 1831 and his will established a school for orphans.  But the will also provided that "no ecclesiastic, missionary, or minister, or any sect whatever" should ever set foot in the school because "as there is such a diversity of opinion amongst them, I desire to keep the tender minds of the orphans who are to derive advantage from this bequest free from the excitement which clashing doctrines and sectarian controversy are so apt to produce."  Instead, the teachers at the orphanage were to "take pains to instill into the minds of the scholars the purest principles of morality," and these noble ambitions demanded the purging of religion.  The will was contested by Girard's relatives (who were represented by Daniel Webster) and eventually the case made its way to the Court.  Here is Kabala's description (p.149):

[I]n his oration before the court, [Webster] endorsed the idea that the only true charity was a Christian charity.  According to Webster, Girard's school was a school of 'mere, sheer, low, ribald, vulgar deism and infidelity'....Webster cited both blasphemy cases and restrictions on oath-takers as evidence of his claims that Christianity was part of the common law and that the health of society depended upon religious faith.  He did, however, take pains to assert that his was a non-sectarian Christianity, 'general, tolerant Christianity, Christianity independent of sects or parties, that Christianity to which the sword and the fagot are unknown.'

Many hailed Webster's oration before the court as a masterpiece....Joseph Story, by now the senior Associate Justice on the court, was less impressed with it.  He wrote to his wife that he was

not a little amused with the manner in which...the language of the Scriptures, and the doctrines of Christianity, were brought in to point the argument; and to find the Court engaged in hearing homilies of faith, and expostulations of Christianity.

Story eventually wrote an unanimous opinion for the court upholding Girard's will as valid....He later wrote to James Kent, who despite his hostility toward blasphemers and atheists had written to Story supporting his decision, that Webster's speech had been a mere 'address to the prejudices of the clergy.'

However, Story's opinion, while it upheld Girard's will, was not a repudiation of the idea that Christianity was a part of the common law.  Rather, Story explicitly endorsed the belief 'that the Christian religion is a part of the common law of Pennsylvania.' The rest of the decision attempted to enunciate the Protestant non-sectarian consensus as it had developed by 1844, guaranteeing the privileged position of Christianity while preserving the right of polite disagreement from it. 

From my Facebook feed . . .

. . . a provocative and worth pondering snippet:  "We awaken in others the same attitude of mind we hold towards them."

Wednesday, April 17, 2013

News, Truth, and the Common Good

 

Greg, Robby, and Rick, amongst others, have underscored in recent days the deficiencies in the reporting of momentous events which impact us on an individual and communal basis. The underlying theme of their postings has been the thunderous reticence of much of the media in reporting the trial of Dr. Kermit Gosnell and his intentional killing of new born babies who were targeted for termination by abortion. Is there not a duty on the media’s part to report truthfully the news that impacts the common good? Those of us who are lawyers are or should be familiar with the responsibility to be accurate and forthcoming in what we present. If we do not, there are distinct consequences. Business people must do the same, and so should the members of the other learned professions. Tradespeople have duties to disclose information about consumer products and services; the failure to do so will lead to their being held accountable. But why do many members of the media think that they are different? In reporting the events of the day, it is often said by them that there is a “right” for the public to know what government officials are up to; what ecclesiastical officers must disclose by way of protection of the vulnerable; and, what folks in business are purveying to a consuming public. In justifying what they do, the media often rely on the need of the public’s “right” to know, but it seems that if the media do not think there is a story to sell, the obligation to disclose does not exist; hence, there is no “right” to know that which does not need to be known if the media determine it so. Moreover, if the media’s editors believe that publication of an important story would not accord with their editorial policies dealing with neuralgic issues, e.g., abortion and other reproductive “rights,” then the story does not merit publication in whatever format the media organ uses.

But the media, like the learned professions and businesses, do serve to a major degree the common good, i.e., the simultaneous good of each and the good of all—for the two are inextricably connected. In short, do the media not have a recognized duty to publish the truth objectively, especially about major issues and events, rather than to make its own “truth” through silence or misrepresentation? This was a theme of Benedict XVI in his 2008 World Communications Day message when he said,

We must ask, therefore, whether it is wise to allow the instruments of social communication to be exploited for indiscriminate “self-promotion” or to end up in the hands of those who use them to manipulate consciences. Should it not be a priority to ensure that they remain at the service of the person and of the common good, and that they foster “man’s ethical formation … man’s inner growth”? Their extraordinary impact on the lives of individuals and on society is widely acknowledged, yet today it is necessary to stress the radical shift, one might even say the complete change of role, that they are currently undergoing. Today, communication seems increasingly to claim not simply to represent reality, but to determine it, owing to the power and the force of suggestion that it possesses. It is clear, for example, that in certain situations the media are used not for the proper purpose of disseminating information, but to “create” events. This dangerous change in function has been noted with concern by many Church leaders. Precisely because we are dealing with realities that have a profound effect on all those dimensions of human life (moral, intellectual, religious, relational, affective, cultural) in which the good of the person is at stake, we must stress that not everything that is technically possible is also ethically permissible.

Perhaps not reporting major issues is not always the same thing as “creating” events, but the failure to report accurately stories of the day having an impact on the common good is surely the kind of misrepresentation for which many others, including lawyers, can be sanctioned. Indisputably the failure to report the intentional killing of newborn children is of a major concern. I wonder if many in the media find this uninteresting and not worth reporting because they have accepted the deaths of over fifty million young Americans in the reproductive health clinics of the nation? If they have conditioned themselves into accepting this tragedy, what else may they find uninteresting and therefore not worth reporting?

 

RJA sj

Gosnell Abortion Trial: "Pulling Back the Curtain on This Procedure"

Overthe last month, I (here), Rick Garnett (here), and others on Mirror of Justice have protested the news media's virtual black-out in covering the trial of abortionist Kermit Gosnell, accused of murdering newborn babies who survived late-term abortions, as well as causing the death of women in his fraudulent medical practice.

Shamed into introspection, more or less candidly acknowledged, the news media have begun covering the horrific trial in Philadelphia.  Now that attention finally is being paid, what will come of it?

Journalist Carl Cannon writes on realclearpolitics.com about "reproductive rights" as one of journalism's most "sacred cows," and then offers these thoughts on attention being drawn to the reality of abortion as a "procedure":

Gosnell’s actions pull back the curtain on this procedure and allow Americans to contemplate a disquieting prospect: that abortion itself is an inherently violent act, the grisly details of which remain hidden even from the patients in the operating room -- and that if those specifics were truly understood, public support for it would wane.

Let us so hope!  To read more from Mr. Cannon, see here.

Tuesday, April 16, 2013

I . . . and she . . . and they . . . told you so

Masha Gessen is a talented writer. Her widely praised (and sharply critical) biography of Vladimir Putin is only the most recent of her books across a range of subjects from Russian history, to mathematics, to the social implications of modern genetics.  On top of her exertions as an author, she has served as Director of the Russian service of the U.S. government funded Radio Liberty.  She is a self-identified lesbian and a leading activist in the U.S. and Russia.  (She holds citizenship in both countries.) Although she is anything but a fringe figure within the movement, she is notable for her candor in discussing its beliefs and goals. At last year's meeting of the Sydney Writers Festival (audio here: http://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/lifematters/why-get-married/4058506 ) she spoke plainly:

“It’s a no-brainer that (homosexuals) should have the right to marry, but I also think equally that it’s a no-brainer that the institution of marriage should not exist. . . . Fighting for gay marriage generally involves lying about what we are going to do with marriage when we get there — because we lie that the institution of marriage is not going to change, and that is a lie.

The institution of marriage is going to change, and it should change. And again, I don’t think it should exist. And I don’t like taking part in creating fictions about my life. That’s sort of not what I had in mind when I came out thirty years ago.

I have three kids who have five parents, more or less, and I don’t see why they shouldn’t have five parents legally. . . . I met my new partner, and she had just had a baby, and that baby’s biological father is my brother, and my daughter’s biological father is a man who lives in Russia, and my adopted son also considers him his father. So the five parents break down into two groups of three. . . . And really, I would like to live in a legal system that is capable of reflecting that reality, and I don’t think that’s compatible with the institution of marriage."

Just imagine the uproar had, say, Rick Santorum said "Fighting for gay marriage generally involves lying about what [they] are going to do with marriage when [they] get there — because [they] lie that the institution of marriage is not going to change, and that is a lie."  But, of course, you don't have to take it from Rick Santorum or other defenders of marriage as a conjugal union. Masha Gessen will tell you the same thing.

Although Gessen's willingness to put the matter in terms of "lying" is startlingly frank, it is no longer uncommon for advocates of redefining marriage to acknowledge that the effect---for them an entirely desirable effect---of redefinition will be the radical transformation of the institution. The objective is not merely to expand the pool of people eligible to participate in it, as was long claimed. In conceding (and celebrating the fact) that redefining marriage will fundamentally alter the institution, transform its social role and meaning, and undermine its structuring norms of monogamy, exclusivity, etc., Gessen is far from out of step with other leading figures in the movement. She joins influential NYU sociologist Judith Stacey, Arizona State University professor Elizabeth Brake, "It Gets Better" founder Dan Savage, writer Victoria Brownworth, journalist E.J. Graff, activist Michelangelo Signorile, and countless other important scholars and activists.

Moreover, there seem to be very few prominent scholars and activists in the movement to redefine marriage who are criticizing Masha Gessen, Judith Stacey, Elizabeth Brake, and the others, and speaking out for the norms of monogamy and fidelity and other traditional marital and familial ideals. Many are quiet, but few actually deny that the abandonment of the conjugal understanding of marriage will have the transformative institutional and social effects that Gessen, Stacey, Brake and the others (approvingly) say it will have.

Boston 16 April 2013

Further to the immediately preceding post, and precisely twenty-four hours after the terrible event that occasioned it, it emerges that many engaged in yesterday's marathon, upon learning of the blasts that took lives and maimed bodies, immediately altered their routes to run straight to locations where they could give blood.  The solidaristic and sacrament-resonant significance of this gesture will not, one assumes, have gone unnoticed. 

What a remarkable species we are, to be capable both of such giving, and of such acts as give rise to the need of such giving. 

And here too is one thing, in keeping with last night's expression of hope, that some of us might do to assist our maimed siblings right now.