Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Thursday, October 4, 2012

Edward Goerner, RIP

Edward Goerner, a longtime member of the Government Department at Notre Dame, has passed away. His book Peter and Caesar: Political Authority and the Catholic Church (Herder & Herder, 1965) is an unduly neglected classic of Catholic political theory, and (though I disagree with them) his essays on Aquinas are learned and provocative. See "On Thomistic Natural Law: The Bad Man's View of Thomistic Natural Right," Political Theory 7 (1979): 101-22 and "Thomistic Natural Right: The Good Man's View of Thomistic Natural Law," Political Theory 11 (1983): 393-418. Here is an excerpt from the closing to Peter and Caesar:

[M]uch of the modern Western world is no longer characterized by religiously homogeneous political communities. The modern West has committed itself to technological objectives that break up such communities. That commitment is partly a product of a revulsion against religious fanaticism and the wars and massacres to which it led. That revulsion led to a powerful tendency to secularize political society radically by directing it to the maximization of exclusively private and/or pre-political goals. And the technological objectives that have come to dominate so much of our lives seem integrally to involve the regular shifting and mixture of individuals as interchangeable units in the perpetual and kaleidoscopic transformations of the economy. For the semi-nomadic populations produced in Europe and America by these forces, the religious pluralism inherent in this time before the harvest takes the form of religiously diverse individuals living in close proximity. Here the task of the magisterium is not only to teach the faithful that the gospel does not authorize them to oppress others in any way, but also to teach them that the gospel must in some way inform the structure of their public lives.

....

Different civilizational moments pose the pluralistic problem in different ways and require a different dialogue between integrist and prophetic critic. So perhaps someone will say: "There! At the very end you, too, have come to [John Courtney] Murray's historicism." But that is to miss the point. It is, no doubt, true as he argues that no historical realization is the Ideal Republic of Truth and Justice. That is a valid expression of the voice of prophetic criticism. But it may also be true that no Christian action in public affairs is possible without the pole star of the apocalyptic vision of the City of God. And no serious reflection on the significance of that vision for action in this world can avoid exploring the human possibilities for realizing crude images of that vision, as well as the dangers inherent in such attempts by men who are both bathed in grace and flawed by sin. And it would be absurd to pretend either that they are not arranged in a hierarchy--as are the states of individual life--or that any particular realization is possible or prudent as an objective for a given society.

It may not be an easy task to begin again, and there may be danger in it, but every Christian who is in the world must, at the level of his competence, ask the question how the structure of the common action in which he moves can be conformed to the archetypal Christian action. In it, the integrist's truth and the prophetic critic's truth are both present, and the tension symoblizes our time: to stretch out the arms to embrace one's brothers--and to receive the nails.

How Many American Catholics Should Receive Communion?

Placing particular emphasis on the gay marriage issue, John J. Myers, the Archbishop of Newark, New Jersey, maintained in a pastoral letter here that Catholics who cannot assent to the Church’s teachings on marriage and the family “must in all honesty and humility refrain from receiving Holy Communion until they can do so with integrity.” Many reacted to the letter as if it were unprecedented, but I do not believe it is.

The U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops in 2006 here insisted that “If a Catholic in his or her personal or professional life were knowingly and obstinately to reject the defined doctrines of the Church, or knowingly and obstinately to repudiate her definitive teaching on moral issues, however, he or she would seriously diminish his or her communion with the Church. Reception of Holy Communion in such a situation would not accord with the nature of the Eucharistic celebration, so that he or she should refrain.” In context, as I read it, a Catholic is obstinately rejecting doctrines of the Church if he or she has given up trying to believe that the Church’s moral teaching is correct. What distinguishes the letter of Myers from the statement of the Bishops is that Myers identifies the failure to assent to a specific moral teaching as bringing about separation from the Church. If Myers is right about this, it seems to me that the overwhelming majority of American Catholics should not be receiving Communion. To reject the Church’s teaching on contraception is to reject the teaching authority of the Church, and the overwhelming majority of American Catholics do exactly that. My guess is that relatively few of American Catholics who reject the contraception teaching are still trying to accept Church teaching on the issue.

It is not surprising that the Conference of Bishops is more circumspect about what causes separation from the Church than Archbishop Myers. Nonetheless, the same day the Bishops stated that the failure to accept the teaching of the Church on moral issues should cause one to refrain from receiving Communion, the Bishops in separate documents reaffirmed their teachings on contraception and same sex relations. There is already a crisis in the teaching authority of the Bishops. If they follow the lead of Archbishop Myers in being specific about which moral teachings cannot be rejected while continuing to receive communion, Catholics will either leave the Church or contumaciously receive Communion anyway. In other words, the Emperor will lose many of the clothes that are left.

 

Wednesday, October 3, 2012

Conservative Judaism, Cartelization, and the Ministerial Exception: Barak Richman and Daniel Crane Debate

Professors Barak Richman (Duke) and Daniel Crane (Michigan) are engaging in a very interesting debate about an issue of interest to MOJ readers involving the process for hiring rabbis in conservative Judaism.  Professor Richman believes that the process violates the antitrust laws and is also not protected by the First Amendment.  Professor Crane disagrees (his first post will appear shortly).  The first posts will involve the antitrust issue; the second series will involve the constitutional question.  Come by and visit at your leisure.

UPDATE: Barak's first post is here.  Dan's reply is here.

Deneen on the President's "Campaign for Leviathan"

At First Things, Patrick Deneen has a powerful essay, "President Obama's Campaign for Leviathan," in which considers "the actual significance of the HHS mandate" and contends that "[t]he origin of the mandate lies in an impulse that can be dated back to the beginnings of the modern era and the rise of the state."  Read the whole thing, but here's a bit:

At a recent conference in which I participated at the Georgetown Law Center, a number of speakers and participants described the HHS mandate as the necessary requirement that will liberate women from the “coercion” of the Church that seeks to restrict their access to free contraception—including abortifacients—and sterilization. The expansion of state power is justified for its liberative effects, freeing women from the oppression of an antiquated institution (its irrelevance was reinforced by frequent citation of the questionable statistic that 98% of Catholic women use contraceptives).

Note the conceit: Employees at Catholic (or other similarly informed religious institutions) are “coerced” by not having free contraceptives provided as part of their health plans. The state, through the threat of punitive fines (estimated by President John Garvey of the Catholic University of America to be $62 million per year should CUA refuse to comply), acts as the liberator of these oppressed people. This narrative seems plausible to many, because we have been deeply shaped and trained to associate the word “liberty” with the freedom of individuals “to pursue their own ends”—requiring, among other things, the liberation of recreational sex from any consequences—and not the rights, privileges, immunities and liberties of groups, societies, associations, even a corpus mysticum like the Church. In such a view we find Leviathan run rampant . . . .

Tuesday, October 2, 2012

RFRA's Application in Suits by Private Parties

An important question about the meaning of the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) and parallel state laws is whether they protect against burdens imposed on religion through lawsuits by private parties.  The circuits have split on the issue.  It's posed in antidiscrimination suits against religious defendants, such as Elane Photography, where a lesbian couple sued the Christian photographer who declined to shoot their wedding; it's also posed in creditors' suits in the bankruptcy proceedings for the Archdiocese of Milwaukee.  So it's important: if RFRAs don't apply to private-party suits, that's a significant hole in their protection.  The split has arisen because, although one would think that a jury or bench verdict in a private civil suit imposes a governmental burden on religion (cf. New York Times v. Sullivan), the judicial-relief section of the statute says that parties may assert it as a claim or defense and "obtain appropriate relief against a government" (which some courts read to mean no relief, or claim or defense, against a private party).

Now a student of Doug Laycock's at UVA Law, Shruti Chaganti, has posted a paper demonstrating why RFRA should provide a claim/defense in private-party suits, showing what that "obtain relief" language really means.  This is a very valuable contribution to religious freedom litigation.  From the abstract:

In Parts I – III, the paper applies a purely textualist analysis, closely examining RFRA’s text and its drafting history. It concludes that the judicial relief section unambiguously provides a defense in citizen suits. Part IV supplements this conclusion by excavating the legislative history surrounding the religious liberty bills – the 1993 RFRA and the proposed 1999 Religious Liberty Protection Act (RLPA.) The record is clear that Congress had a shared understanding RLPA would provide a defense in citizen suits. In discussing the merits of the bill, both proponents and opponents cited to cases with private plaintiffs and advanced policy considerations based on the assumption that RLPA would apply in citizen suits.

Anti-Mormon bigotry crawls out of the swamp

U.S. News and World Report is reporting that a group called "Catholics for Obama" has been calling voters, asking such questions as "How can you vote for a Mormon who does not believe in Jesus Christ?"  (Evidently, the calls also claim that President Obama does not support abortion and that Planned Parenthood, the nation's largest provider of abortions and lobbyist for the abortion license, "helps children to get healthcare and prenatal care and does not promote abortion."  But lay those misrepresentations aside for present purposes.) The Catholic League for Civil and Religious Rights has condemned the anti-Mormon bigotry of these calls in the strongest possible terms.  All Catholics should join in the condemnation. I don't know who is behind these calls, but the Obama campaign should, in all decency, immediately try to figure it out and shut them down.  This is only the most egregious of many nauseating examples of the anti-Mormon bigotry that has crawled out of the swamp in relation to Governor Romney's nomination as the Republican candidate for president.  Most examples are more subtle and "sophisticated"; but they are no less appalling.  Of course, bigotry of any kind is appalling.  But for those who recognize, as we all should, the extraordinary decency, generosity, and patriotism of the vast majority of our LDS fellow citizens, and their many (mainly unsung) contributions to the common good of our society, the defamation of Mormons and their faith is particularly grotesque.  Whether or not we happen to support Governor Romney in this campaign, we Catholics should be united in our friendship with, and high regard for, the Latter-Day Saints.

Monday, October 1, 2012

Schragger and Schwartzman, "Against Religious Institutionalism"

Rich Schragger and Micah Schwartzman have posted their new paper, "Against Religious Institutionalism", at SSRN.  Here's the abstract:

The idea that religious institutions should play a central role in understanding
the First Amendment has become increasingly prominent in recent years.  Litigation over the application of civil rights laws to ministers and the requirement that religious employers provide contraception coverage to their employees have elicited calls for a doctrine of church sovereignty based on an institutional conception of the Religion Clauses.  In this Article, we present grounds for skepticism about this new religious institutionalism, especially the concept of “freedom of the church,” which we distinguish from the seemingly related but importantly distinct idea of church autonomy.  We further explain why individual rights of conscience are sufficient to protect the free exercise and anti-establishment values of the First Amendment.  Our argument, contrary to some recent scholarship, is that religious institutions do not give rise to a special set of rights, autonomy, or sovereignty, and that what might be called institutional or church autonomy is ultimately derived from individual rights of conscience.  Indeed, for purposes of understanding religious liberty, we contend that any notion of institutional autonomy — to the extent it exists — can come from nowhere else.

I'm really excited about this paper, and not only because it closely engages my own work, and that of many better scholars -- including our own Tom Berg, Michael Moreland, and Robert Vischer -- who are also interested in an institutional approach to questions of religious freedom, church-state relations, and the First Amendment generally.  I'm working on a paper / chapter that will respond adequately to Rich and Micah, but suffice it to say (for now) that, while I think "religious institutionalism" stands up to their criticisms, I also think that their contribution to the conversation is important and welcome.

If readers are interested in some of the papers of mine that Rich and Micah address, here is "Do Churches Matter?  Towards an Institutional Understanding of the Religion Clauses," and here is "The Freedom of the Church."  Here is the abstract for the former:

In recent years, several prominent scholars have called attention to the importance and role of "First Amendment institutions" and there is a growing body of work informed by an appreciation for what Professor Balkin calls the "infrastructure of free expression." The freedom of expression, he suggests, requires "more than mere absence of government censorship or prohibition to thrive; [it] also require[s] institutions, practices and technological structures that foster and promote [it]." The intuition animating this scholarship, then, is that the freedom of expression is not only enjoyed by and through, but also depends on the existence and flourishing of, certain institutions, newspapers, political parties, interest groups, libraries, expressive associations, universities and so on. These "First Amendment institutions" are free-speech actors, but they also play a structural - or, again, an "infrastructural" role in clearing out and
protecting the civil-society space within which the freedom of speech can be
well exercised. These institutions are not only conduits for expression, they
are also "the scaffolding around which civil society is constructed, in which
personal freedoms are exercised, in which loyalties are formed and transmitted,
and in which individuals flourish.

Similar "infrastructural" claims can and should be proposed with respect to the freedom of religion. Like the freedom of speech, religious freedom has and requires an infrastructure. Like free expression, it is not exercised only by individuals; like free expression, its exercise requires more than an individual with something to say; like free expression, it involves more than protecting a solitary conscience. The freedom of religion is not only lived and experienced through institutions, it is also protected and nourished by them. Accordingly, the theories and doctrines we use to understand, apply and enforce the First Amendment's religious-freedom provisions should reflect and respect this fact. If we want to understand well the content and implications of our constitutional commitment to religious liberty, we need to ask, as Professors Lupu and Tuttle have put it, whether "religious entities occupy a distinctive place in our constitutional order[.]"

And, of course, remember to buy Paul Horwitz's First Amendment Institutions for all the neo-pluralists on your holiday-shopping lists. 

Pojanowski reviews Smith

My friend and colleauge Jeff Pojanowski (Notre Dame) has a review up at SSRN of Steve Smith's (excellent) Disenchantment of Secular Discourse.  Here is the abstract:

This review essay considers Stephen D. Smith’s most recent book, The Disenchantment of
Secular Discourse. Rather than focusing on the book’s argument about the
practices and pathologies of the public square, this essay uses Smith’s chapter
on scientific thought as a platform for exploring connections between
Disenchantment and Smith’s prior work in legal theory. The catalyst for these
reflections is Scandinavian legal realism. Considering these elements together
sheds light on both the limits and virtues of central ideas about legal
obligation and authority in contemporary jurisprudence. Such perspective points
to a broader argument that jurisprudential debates about methodology and
concepts may be as much about how we read the universe as they are about how we
understand law.

As Legal Theory-king Larry Solum would say, "highly recommended": 

Alasdair MacIntyre, Teacher

Villanova honored Alasdair MacIntyre last week as the inaugural recipient of the Civitas Dei Medal. Video of the event, including MacIntyre's splendid address ("Catholic Rather than What?") will soon be available, but, in the meantime, here are some brief remarks I delivered for the occasion:

Continue reading

Forcing a church to pay for its employees' abortions would not create a substantial burden on religious exercise. Discuss.

On Friday, a federal district court in Missouri dismissed in its entirety one of the contraceptive mandate lawsuits, this one brought by Frank O'Brien and O'Brien Industries against HHS.  It is not surprising (to me, anyway) that the free exercise and establishment clause claims were dismissed, as I've never thought those were particularly strong.  I am surprised, though, that the RFRA claim was dismissed under 12(b)(6) for failure to state a claim upon which relief can be granted, as the court categorically rejected the notion "that requiring indirect financial support of a practice, from which plaintiff himself abstains according to his religious principles, constitutes a substantial burden on plaintiff's religious exercise."

A few points worth noting:

First, in this case, the court was faced with the original and most egregious version of the HHS regulations.  Because O'Brien Industries is a for-profit entity, the plaintiffs (the company and its owner) are not entitled to any of the current or promised exemptions.

Second, the court's analysis did not turn on the for-profit status ("[T]his Court declines to reach the question of whether a secular limited liability company is capable of exercising a religion within the meaning of RFRA or the First Amendment."), which means that the court's reasoning would apply equally to Catholic Charities, Belmont Abbey College, or the Diocese of Rockville Centre if those entities were forced to pay for contraceptives or abortifacients in their employee health plans.

Third, the court's reasoning disregarded institutional identity as bearing any relevance to the substantial burden analysis.  The court asserted that "plaintiffs remain free to exercise their religion, by not using contraceptives and by discouraging employees from using contraceptives.  The burden of which plaintiffs complain is that funds, which plaintiffs will contribute to a group health plan, might, after a series of independent decisions by health care providers and patients covered by [O'Brien Industries's] plan, subsidize someone else's participation in an activity that is condemned by plaintiffs' religion." 

Fourth, the court mistakenly conflated free exercise as positive liberty with free exercise as negative liberty.  The court emphasized that "RFRA does not protect against the slight burden on religious exercise that arises where one's money circuitously flows to support the conduct of other free-exercise-wielding individuals who hold religious beliefs that differ from one's own."  In other words, forcing an employer to pay for X does not burden his religious exercise any more than failing to ensure the availability of X would burden the employee's religious exercise.

Fifth, the court quickly dismissed the argument that the huge number of current exemptions precludes a finding that the mandate is generally applicable for purposes of free exercise analysis under Employment Division v. Smith.  ("The exemptions, for grandfathered plans, religious employers, and non-profits under the safe harbor do not undermine the general applicability of the regulations within the meaning of Free Exercise Clause jurisprudence.")

Sixth, the court accepts the equivalency (for "substantial burden" purposes) of paying salaries and paying for particular services under a health plan.  ("Already, [plaintiffs] pay salaries to their employees -- money the employees may use to purchase contraceptives or to contribute to a religious organization.  By comparison, the contribution to a health care plan has no more than a de minimis impact on the plaintiff's religious beliefs than paying salaries and other benefits to employees.")  This misses the scandal that is created by more direct complicity with the illicit ends.  If a Belmont Abbey College employee were to bring the invoice from an abortion provider to work and demand that her employer pay it, is that really the same as using salary to pay the abortion provider?  For purposes of determining whether a government requirement amounts to a substantial burden on the employer's religious exercise, apparently it is.

Finally, if this court is correct in its analysis, then HHS could rewrite the regulations, remove any exemption for religious employers and add abortion to the list of covered services.  The Catholic Church could be forced to pay for its employees' abortions without creating a substantial burden on religious exercise for purposes of RFRA, and that issue would be so straightforward that it could be handled on a 12(b)(6) motion.